This unprecedented major organized crime case, in which Inoue was positioned as the primary victim, was an extraordinary incident of organized attempted murder. It involved the parents and relatives of Takahiro Wachi—then a second-year student in the Faculty of Law at Chuo University—who harbored an overriding desire to make Takahiro Wachi a lawyer at all costs. They conspired with the ringleaders of criminal activity at Chuo University, who were bound to them by the same desire, to brand Inoue with the false stigma of harassment allegations. Their aim was to expel him from both the university and society at large and to drive him to suicide, as he represented the greatest obstacle to the realization of their desire.
Takahiro Wachi, who joined Inoue’s “Introduction to Contemporary Thought Seminar” purely of his own volition, harbored an intense transference toward Inoue. It was precisely this intense (romantic) transference that obstructed Wachi’s ability to devote himself single-mindedly to studying in order to become a lawyer. This understanding was later shared by all seminar participants who provided third-party testimony when Inoue filed suit against Chuo University.
However, the lawyer that Wachi was expected—and desired—to become was, for both his parents/relatives and Chuo University, a lawyer necessary for the acquisition of so-called (human rights) “vested interests”: in other words, a lawyer “destined” to engage in “improper” work. Within Wachi himself, there existed a profound inner conflict and struggle against this “unchangeable destiny.”
This very conflict was the primary factor that drew Wachi toward the “Introduction to Contemporary Thought Seminar”—which is fundamentally incompatible with legalistic thinking—and toward Inoue, who taught it. For that very reason, Wachi’s parents/relatives and Chuo University believed it necessary, no matter how illegal the means, to place infinite distance between Wachi and Inoue.
It took fully nine and a half years for Inoue’s investigation to arrive at this “essence of the major organized crime in this case” (a detailed exposition can be found in [Evidentiary Material] Notes (1) for the Completed Edition of “Final Resolution: Individual Edition — An Unconsummated Record: Testimony of a Victim Whose Extinction Was Desired”: On the Essence of This Major Organized Crime, which readers are strongly encouraged to consult).
On July 20, 2021, it was discovered that Takahiro Wachi had become a lawyer and had opened a local law office. However, Wachi had not advanced to Chuo University’s Law School; astonishingly, he had instead attended the law school of another private university—the very institution from which Inoue graduated and at which he also taught. Even at this stage, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that Wachi remained a “stalker,” continuing to harbor transference toward Inoue.
Yet even before Inoue uncovered this astonishing fact, Wachi’s law office website had already ceased to be updated as of May 31, 2021, and there is no evidence whatsoever that Wachi ever engaged in legal practice as a lawyer.
From 2020 onward, it also became apparent that Takahiro Wachi and his relatives appeared to share a “common concept” with a powerful ruling-party politician upon whom the criminal ringleaders at Chuo University relied, using his immense authority to completely erase all traces of their crimes. It further emerged that they seemed to possess a “special kind of human rights” capable of crushing and neutralizing any and all human resistance or objection.
On April 11, 2012, the criminal ringleaders at Chuo University, acting in response to pressure from the parents and relatives of Takahiro Wachi, dispensed entirely with any factual investigation in order to fulfill their own desires. They derided Inoue as a “parasite” and, for the purpose of forcibly imposing upon him the false label of a harassment perpetrator and expelling him from the university, subjected him to a brutal assault lasting one hour and fifty minutes. This constituted the act of coercion that marked the beginning of the present major organized crime case. The perpetrators were Matamitsu Nakanishi, then a professor in the Faculty of Law at Chuo University and Chair of the Harassment Prevention and Awareness Committee, and Kyoko Nagamatsu, then a professor in the Faculty of Policy Studies at Chuo University and a member of the same committee.
Because bringing the matter before legitimate investigative authorities would clearly have constituted the crime of false accusation, no such course was taken. The desire of Wachi’s parents and relatives was to fabricate Inoue into a “repulsive harassment offender,” to cover him in disgrace, expel him from the university, isolate him from all social contexts, and drive him to suicide. Shielded by a “special form of human rights” against which no one could resist, Wachi’s parents and relatives exploited Chuo University’s Harassment Prevention and Awareness Committee—willing to comply with any illegal demand—for the sole purpose of achieving this end. Chuo University itself also shared a common motive that required Inoue’s expulsion and elimination “for the acquisition of (human rights) vested interests.”
However, because Inoue and his supporters—particularly M, a research assistant who was also a victim—mounted unexpected resistance, the degree of direct violence exercised against Inoue by the criminal ringleaders at Chuo University, who feared the Wachi family and their collaborators, escalated to extreme levels. Faculty and staff at Chuo University (especially within the Faculty of Law) were aware of this horrific violence and of the reality of Inoue’s victimization, yet they persisted in ignoring and tacitly condoning it out of fear of the principal ringleaders, including Motohiro Hashimoto, then Dean of the Faculty of Law, and the Harassment Prevention and Awareness Committee. Once the situation had developed into an unprecedented major organized crime, it cannot be said with absolute certainty that the full-time faculty members of Chuo University—particularly those of the Faculty of Law—from April to July 2012 are entirely free from the possibility of being suspected of aiding and abetting criminal acts, even if not all of them are implicated.
Keiji Umeki, then an official attached to the Director for Private Universities in the Higher Education Bureau of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, who had been consulted by Inoue and M, was astonished by the gravity of the situation and sent Chuo University a demand for a response with a fixed deadline. This, however, served as the trigger for an unbelievable outrage: in order to thoroughly conceal and legitimize, both inside and outside the university, their scheme to frame Inoue and drive him to suicide, the criminal ringleaders at Chuo University secretly carried out a “sham dismissal” of Inoue without the knowledge of the then Chairman of the Board. It is said that this “sham dismissal” was decided “unanimously” at the Faculty of Law professors’ meeting on July 20, 2012—something that can only be explained by some form of behind-the-scenes maneuvering by Hashimoto and others. At that time, although Chuo University still prided itself as “the Chuo of legal education,” there were no employment regulations governing part-time lecturers. Nevertheless, to dismiss a faculty member, it was absolutely mandatory to follow the process whereby the Chairman of the Board or the President issued a prior recommendation for action. All such due procedures were violently bypassed. Norihiko Fukuhara, then President of the University and a former Chairman, arrogantly declared the “dismissal of a part-time lecturer” on Chuo University’s official website news page, thereby inflicting upon Inoue irreparable and egregious defamation and human rights violations. Having first forced him into a false accusation through violence, they then violently enforced a “sham dismissal” without the Chairman’s seal of approval.
Furthermore, to ensure that the fact that Inoue had immediately initiated civil proceedings against the “sham dismissal” would never come to the attention of the then Chairman, the criminal ringleaders at Chuo University not only removed the Chairman under the pretext of an “admissions scandal,” but also impersonated the dismissed Chairman’s name. Acting behind Chuo University’s back, they orchestrated the civil proceedings and submitted fabricated evidence—namely, a forged audio recording and falsified transcript purporting to document the violent coercion to resign on April 11, 2012. When Inoue and M subjected this material to exhaustive repeated listening over more than seventeen hours, it became clear that it bore no resemblance whatsoever to the brutal assault Inoue had actually experienced on April 11; the entire recording had been altered and edited throughout. The attorneys representing Chuo University who actually submitted this fabricated evidence to the civil court and falsely described it in the evidentiary explanation as genuine were Haruko Shibumura and Shigeru Furuta.
Slightly after the initiation of the civil lawsuit, Inoue filed a criminal complaint on May 24, 2013, with the Tachikawa Branch of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office, using as evidence the fabricated audio medium (i.e., the forged CD-R) submitted by the ringleaders of Chuo University in the civil proceedings. He accused six principal perpetrators—including Takahiro Wachi—of the crime of coercion. The accused were: Motohiro Hashimoto, then Dean of the Faculty of Law at Chuo University (2012); Matamitsu Nakanishi, then Professor in the Faculty of Law at Chuo University and Chair of the Harassment Prevention and Awareness Committee (2012); Takahiro Wachi, then a student in the Department of Law, Faculty of Law, Chuo University (2012); Kyoko Nagamatsu, then Professor in the Faculty of Policy Studies at Chuo University and member of the Harassment Prevention and Awareness Committee (2012); Yoshiaki Hijikata, then Director of the Faculty of Law Office (2012); and Sachiko Obi, then Deputy Section Chief of the Faculty of Law Office (2012).
(Regarding the criminal involvement of Ms. Naomi Unemoto)
The criminal complaint was accepted on June 22, 2013. At that stage, the Head of the Tachikawa Branch of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office was Ms. Etsuko Mori. The prosecutor initially in charge of the investigation was Hisanori Morikawa, and his successor was Yuji Nihei. On November 19, 2013, Morikawa summoned Inoue to the Tachikawa Branch and explicitly stated that they would “explore whether it is possible to bring the case to indictment from two directions: the appraisal results of the (forged CD-R) and the outcome of the civil litigation.” In reality, however, by that point improper forces aimed at erasing Chuo University’s various crimes—including the crime of coercion—had already begun to operate.
Morikawa and Nihei were the direct actors, acting in accordance with instructions from Takayuki Aonuma, then Deputy Chief Prosecutor of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office and an alumnus of Chuo University. In January 2014, Aonuma arranged for Ms. Naomi Unemoto, his junior from the Faculty of Law at Chuo University, to be appointed Head of the Tachikawa Branch of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office. After Unemoto’s transfer to the Tachikawa Branch, the concealment of Chuo University’s crimes entered its full-scale phase. In parallel with the ongoing civil litigation, Morikawa and Nihei repeatedly told blatant falsehoods—such as “the estimate for the appraisal has already been completed and approval granted” and “we are about to send it out for appraisal”—in order to ensure that the forged CD-R would never be subjected to forensic examination. They continued to deceive Inoue endlessly for more than a year, right up to the brink of the statute of limitations.
It can be stated with certainty that had Naomi Unemoto already been Head of the Tachikawa Branch at the time the criminal complaint was filed in 2013, the complaint would not even have been accepted. Immediately after all suspects in the coercion case were unlawfully given non-prosecution dispositions by Yuji Nihei on January 30, 2015, Hisanori Morikawa resigned from the Public Prosecutors Office effective March 31 of the same year. Naomi Unemoto, after issuing advance approval for the non-prosecution decision to Nihei on January 23, 2015, was transferred to the post of Chief Prosecutor of the Kochi District Public Prosecutors Office on that same date. (From January 2014 to January 2015, it remained unclear for an extended period who was officially serving as Head of the Tachikawa Branch. It is difficult to view Unemoto’s transfer there as anything other than an assignment intended to complete the concealment of Chuo University’s crimes, beginning with the crime of coercion.)
Yuji Nihei left the Public Prosecutors Office on March 31, 2021. However, because his name and the reason for his departure are not recorded in the Ministry of Justice personnel records, it cannot be ruled out that he may have been subjected to disciplinary action under the name of the Minister of Justice. At the same time, it is now conceivable that Nihei may have been quietly pressured to leave the Prosecutors Office in order to keep secret the criminal acts of concealment carried out by Takayuki Aonuma and Naomi Unemoto.
Meanwhile, Motohiro Hashimoto—then Dean of the Faculty of Law in 2012 and a leading figure among the criminal ringleaders at Chuo University—was appointed Vice President of Chuo University in November 2014, despite the fact that the criminal complaint for coercion had already been accepted and he was therefore under criminal investigation as a suspect. He thoroughly concealed from Chuo University the fact that he was orchestrating unlawful civil litigation behind the university’s back. (Hashimoto later assumed the position of Executive Trustee and stepped down from all posts after June 20, 2020. Nevertheless, on May 27, 2021, he was once again appointed Vice President.)
The criminal ringleaders at Chuo University, led by Hashimoto, exerted influence not only on civil court judges—Hiroshi Ichimura, Takenori Ota, Ryuta Sudo, Naoko Nakayama, and Tatsuaki Yasui of the Tokyo District Court Tachikawa Branch in 2013, and Koichi Tamura and Mamiko Urano of the Tokyo High Court in 2014—but also on prosecutors including Takayuki Aonuma and Naomi Unemoto. By skillfully linking civil and criminal proceedings, they ensured an unlawfully favorable judgment in the civil case, while in the criminal case they conspired to prevent the forged audio media from ever being subjected to appraisal and to secure an unlawful non-prosecution decision just before the statute of limitations expired. Both the civil and criminal proceedings amounted to nothing less than extralegal violence: by refusing to apply the law at all, abusing legal forms, and using the courtroom itself as the crime scene of a “premeditated killing (of Inoue),” they sought to realize the desires of the Wachi family—and the parallel desires of the Chuo University ringleaders who endeavored to fulfill them.
It was revealed on July 26, 2020, that Takenori Ota, who served as the presiding judge during the latter half of the first-instance proceedings in the lawsuit against Chuo University in 2013–2014, was himself a graduate of Chuo University’s Faculty of Law. The first-instance judgment was a document that utterly denied Inoue’s personhood and existence and was permeated with staggering malice, hatred, and murderous intent—something that can only be described as a “murder judgment.” It was Takenori Ota who authored this judgment and thrust it forward as if to say, “Die.” Ota was not even remotely an impartial and fair judge; like Takayuki Aonuma and Naomi Unemoto, he was a faithful servant of Chuo University. As of November 2, 2024, he must be regarded as one of the perpetrators of this major organized crime case, which is nothing other than an incident of organized attempted murder.
Moreover, because authority over judicial appointments rests with the General Secretariat of the Supreme Court, it is evident that the Secretary-General of the Supreme Court at the time decided to assign Takenori Ota to the lawsuit against Chuo University, a criminal trial in substance. I believe there is an extremely high likelihood that Naoto Otani, then Secretary-General of the Supreme Court, was subjected to complex pressure from a powerful ruling-party politician who served as a patron of Chuo University, or from individuals connected to that politician.
Confronted with the utterly unreasonable betrayals perpetrated from both the civil and criminal sides—betrayals of the very idea of “law,” and betrayals of the victims of Chuo University’s many crimes—and with the overwhelming malice emanating endlessly from both systems, malice that offered no exit whatsoever in the form of legal redress, Inoue and M pursued to the very limits what investigations were possible even for non-professionals, continuing them for many years, in order to identify who stood at the very core of this major organized crime that sought to annihilate Inoue. Until 2019, they believed that the ultimate source lay with former top executives of the Public Prosecutors Office, including prosecutors who were graduates of Chuo University’s Faculty of Law. However, from 2020 onward, the existence of an individual possessing overwhelming power—someone capable of ordering these national civil servants to cover up all of Chuo University’s crimes (and to erase the victims)—suddenly came into view. That individual can be none other than a powerful ruling-party politician, also a graduate of Chuo University’s Faculty of Law, who appears to be bound to the Wachi family that framed Inoue by a shared concept of “special human rights,” that is, “sacrosanct and inviolable authority.” The ultimate truth will finally be brought to light only through an official announcement by a restored Public Prosecutors Office after Naomi Unemoto has been subjected to criminal punishment.
After Inoue personally paid to have the forged CD-R—concealed in both the civil and criminal proceedings—scientifically examined, proved it to be a complete fabrication, and repeatedly attempted to file criminal complaints and accusations using the scientific appraisal results (the expert report) as direct evidence, the criminal ringleaders at Chuo University—who had also exerted influence over the aforementioned former top prosecutors (and who were likely the very ones requesting a powerful ruling-party politician to suppress all crimes)—caused extralegal violence to be exercised in the form of stripping Inoue and M of their rights to file complaints and accusations, effectively preventing them from reporting crimes on a semi-permanent basis. In this way, any possibility of legal redress for Inoue was completely extinguished. In the course of this grotesque and deranged violence carried out by investigative authorities, it was Kumiko Suzuki, then a prosecutor at the Tachikawa Branch of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office in 2015 (now at the Sendai District Public Prosecutors Office), who in particular engaged in severe obstruction of M’s attempts to bring accusations, driving M to the point of saying, “There is nothing left for me but to commit suicide.”
What the perpetrators of this organized mega-crime desired—the Wachi family who fabricated a “false accusation” to frame Inoue; the criminal ringleaders at Chuo University; the judges; the prosecutors including Naomi Unemoto, now the Prosecutor-General; and most likely a powerful ruling-party politician who is a graduate of Chuo University’s Faculty of Law—was that Inoue, a victim of Chuo University’s many crimes, be stripped of all possibilities of redress, severed from every social context, covered in disgrace, and driven to suicide. In other words, they desired his extinction from the human world.
This was ostensibly for the “acquisition of (human rights) vested interests,” but at this stage it was simply for the total eradication and erasure of every trace of their major organized crime from history and from society—for its complete concealment.
What these perpetrators of an anti-state organized crime unprecedented in both scale and malignancy desired was that the victim, Inoue, be exterminated from the human world, so that Chuo University—its countless crimes erased without a trace from history and society—could continue to expand and develop toward “immortality” as if nothing had ever happened.
Inoue, and M, who sacrificed everything to fight alongside him, must be said to resemble the Jews in the eyes of the Nazis, in the sense that they were, and continue to be, eagerly awaited to become extinct as lives deemed literally “not worth living.”
For this reason, the present testimonial text was given the title “Final Resolution: Individual Edition — An Unconsummated Record: Testimony of a Victim Whose Extinction Was Desired.”
Despite having carried out—and continuing to carry out—an “individual version of the Final Resolution,” Chuo University has shown no sign of remorse toward its victims. Instead, in April 2019 it went so far as to establish two new faculties; in April 2023 it finally realized the relocation of its Faculty of Law to the city center by opening the Myogadani Campus; and up to the present day, November 2, 2024, it has continued to present itself as a “respectable university,” deceiving large numbers of students, alumni, and members of the general public.
Although the plan to relocate the Faculty of Law to central Tokyo, announced by the then Chairman of the Board in October 2015, was once forced to be shelved due to the “23-ward regulation,” Chuo University nevertheless never ceased—right up until 2020—to disseminate vague and misleading information on a large scale through various media, as if the plan were still feasible. (Instead of purchasing the land indispensable to realizing the relocation, Chuo University decided in December 2018 to lease it. Moreover, the land in question was metropolitan property for which the Tokyo Metropolitan Government had publicly solicited lessees. According to a certain information magazine, thanks to assistance from former LDP Secretary-General Toshihiro Nikai, Chuo University was selected as the lessee in a privileged manner, pushing aside other candidates. As explicitly stated in that magazine, it is clear that this was the result of the Tokyo Metropolitan Government “showing consideration to former Secretary-General Nikai.”)
Then, on October 12 and 13, 2021, Chuo University announced via an official press release on its website that the relocation plan for the Faculty of Law was once again proceeding smoothly and that the new campus would open in 2023. However, none of the five major national newspapers carried this news. It can only be assumed that they lacked confidence in its credibility, given that these newspapers were likely already in possession of a considerable amount of information concerning this major organized crime case (from this blog, the X testimony account, and possibly even from within the Public Prosecutors Office). Nevertheless, Chuo University once again sought assistance—through its alumni association—from its patron, former Secretary-General Toshihiro Nikai, and forcibly carried out the relocation to central Tokyo, which should have been impossible under the “23-ward regulation,” in blatant disregard of the law. The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT), which should have borne responsibility for halting illegal acts, not only tacitly condoned Chuo University’s violations of the law together with successive Ministers of Education, including former Minister Koichi Hagiuda, who were closely entangled with the university, but MEXT itself also committed legal violations. (For details of these illegal acts that made the relocation of Chuo University’s Faculty of Law possible, readers are urged to consult [Evidentiary Material] “The Full Text of the Petition Sent by Inoue to Minister of Education Masahito Moriyama on January 8, 2024.”)
Incidentally, Chairman of the Board Masahiko Omura retired upon reaching mandatory retirement age, and President Shozaburo Sakai retired upon mandatory retirement on March 31, 2021. Masahiko Omura, who in September 2015 engaged in conduct amounting to theft by copying an expert appraisal report and who also schemed to fraudulently obtain the physical forged CD-R unlawfully produced by Chuo University—then serving as the overall responsible officer for whistleblowing within the Internal Audit Office—remains Chairman of the Board as of November 2, 2024. Shozaburo Sakai, who was well aware to a considerable extent of Chuo University’s various crimes, remained President of the University until October 15, 2021, when Chuo University abolished the position of President. Needless to say, the present-day Chuo University appears to be utterly lacking even the basic form of a functioning corporate organization.
More than twelve and a half years have already passed since the crime of coercion—the trigger for this major organized crime case—was carried out at Chuo University.
All that remains now is to wait patiently for the day when the Public Prosecutors Office frees itself from the grotesque distortion and enormous injustice of having a crime participant serving as “Prosecutor-General,” promptly initiates criminal proceedings against Naomi Unemoto—an absolute prerequisite for bringing this major organized crime case to a comprehensive resolution—and, reborn as a new Public Prosecutors Office, solemnly issues an official announcement to restore the trust of the people.
Before “Final Resolution: Individual Edition — An Unconsummated Record” turns into “Final Resolution: Individual Edition — A Completed Record,” and before the victims whose extinction was awaited are truly extinguished. Before this unprecedented case of organized attempted murder crosses the final line into an organized murder case.
The reborn Public Prosecutors Office bears the responsibility of informing, as soon as possible, the many students, alumni, and members of the general public who continue to be deceived, of the astonishing truth concerning this unparalleled major organized crime.