Petition
To:
Ms. Toshiko Abe
Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology
January 7, 2025
Inoue ×××
Research Assistant (Researcher in Contemporary Thought)
××××××××××××××××
×××××××××××××
××××××××××××
M
Introduction
I am a victim of a grave crime in which more than twelve years and eight months of my life have been taken from me—and continue to be taken from me even now—after I was falsely accused, together with Professor Inoue ××× (then a part-time lecturer at the Faculty of Law, Chuo University), of being a “disgraced perpetrator who committed human rights violations and stalking against Wachi Takahiro.”
This false accusation was fabricated by Chuo University in collusion with the Wachi family and Wachi Takahiro (then a second-year student in the Department of Law, Faculty of Law, Chuo University), who had submitted a false harassment complaint to the university.
This grave incident was brought about under the desires of Wachi Takahiro’s father and uncle, who sought to force him back into studying law by expelling Professor Inoue from the university after Wachi Takahiro became unable to concentrate on his legal studies due to having developed a unilateral transference-based romantic attachment toward her.
Wachi Takahiro was subjected to intense pressure to internalize his relatives’ desire—namely, “to make our only son a legal professional by whatever means necessary”—as his own desire.
While in his first year at university, Wachi Takahiro took a course in Theater Arts taught by Professor Inoue, became deeply infatuated with her, and, in that state, voluntarily applied for and passed the entrance examination for her seminar. He then went on to enroll in the “Introduction to Contemporary Thought” seminar taught by Professor Inoue.
This marked the beginning of all subsequent calamities.
The fundamental cause of this grave incident lies in the convergence of Wachi Takahiro’s desire for revenge and the Wachi family’s desire to “make our son a legal professional by any illegal means necessary.”
During the “Introduction to Contemporary Thought” seminar, Professor Inoue consistently maintained a strictly professional stance as an instructor whose role was solely to teach contemporary thought, in response to the unilateral transference-based romantic feelings directed at her by Wachi Takahiro. However, Wachi Takahiro interpreted this attitude as “rejection = denial of myself,” became enraged, and developed a desire for retaliation.
Aligned with this was the Wachi family’s determination to force their son back into the study of law at any cost. They therefore conspired to fabricate a false harassment allegation with the aim of expelling both Professor Inoue and myself—her research assistant at the time, toward whom Wachi Takahiro harbored intense hatred as an obstacle preventing his access to the professor—from Chuo University. This conspiracy constitutes the root cause of the present grave incident.
The Harassment Prevention and Awareness Committee of Chuo University is an extremely dangerous pseudo-investigative body that does not prohibit false complaints and that directly adopts, as its definition of harassment, the so-called Asada Theory advocated by Mr. Zennosuke Asada, the second Central Executive Committee Chairman of the Buraku Liberation League Headquarters.
According to the Asada Theory, “any situation in which one is made to feel disadvantage or discomfort constitutes discrimination,” and “whether something is discrimination or not can only be known by the discriminated party.”
The fatal flaw of the Asada Theory lies in its complete failure to recognize that dialogue is an endless repetitive process in which words are continually reinterpreted within differing contexts each time they are exchanged between individuals, thereby generating new meanings with every interaction.
Even if one party subjectively feels that they have been “discriminated against,” such a feeling can never unconditionally become an “absolute and exclusive truth” that governs the dialogical relationship between individuals. It is definitionally impossible for one party in a dialogue to monopolize “truth,” impose that “truth” upon others, and act as a transcendent being wielding power over life and death. These self-evident principles are entirely absent from the Asada Theory.
The Asada Theory rejects entry into dialogue with others from the outset and recognizes the existence of others only as objects of denunciation. It is an extremely violent theory whose purpose is to intimidate others, instill fear, and extract benefits from them.
Although it may superficially appear not to require others, in reality it depends heavily on others who submit out of fear and who tolerate an asymmetric relationship of domination and subjugation.
There was not a single individual at Chuo University capable of recognizing the dangers inherent in the Asada Theory. Influenced by the Wachi family and Wachi Takahiro, Chuo University conspired with them to fabricate a false harassment allegation. On April 10, 2012, the university sent Professor Inoue an email summoning her to appear before the Harassment Prevention and Awareness Committee the following day, without even disclosing the substance of the allegations.
On the following day, April 11, inside the fully soundproofed Conference Room 1321 of the Harassment Prevention and Awareness Committee, Professor Inoue—who had little understanding of the situation—was ambushed and subjected to coercion for one hour and fifty minutes by Mr. Matazo Nakanishi (then Professor at the Faculty of Law, Chuo University, and Chair of the Harassment Prevention and Awareness Operations Committee) and Ms. Kyoko Nagamatsu (Professor at the Faculty of Policy Studies, Chuo University, and then a member of the Committee), who pressured her to consent to voluntary resignation.
Without Professor Inoue’s consent, Ms. Nagamatsu began recording the proceedings with an IC recorder. Beside her, Mr. Nakanishi continuously shouted at Professor Inoue, addressing her throughout as “you!” and subjecting her to the most extreme harassing insults, including statements such as “Part-time lecturers are parasites!” and “Contemporary thought is delusion!”
He further hurled abusive threats such as, “We’ll assign a bodyguard to Wachi-kun! I’ll make sure you and your seminar students can never get near him again!” and “If M sets foot on campus, I’ll call the police and have them arrested!”
Mr. Nakanishi repeatedly slammed the desk and violently seized all materials that Professor Inoue had brought as a precaution—namely, handwritten letters from Wachi Takahiro clearly demonstrating his unilateral transference-based romantic attachment toward her, which constituted decisive evidence proving that she had committed no harassment.
He further escalated his threats by waving a pen directly in front of Professor Inoue’s face, throwing the confiscated evidence back at her, and brandishing sharp sheets of paper at a dangerously close distance to her eyes.
Through the use of violence, Mr. Nakanishi completely silenced Professor Inoue and carried out a brutal act of coercion, forcing her—without allowing any dissent—to agree to voluntary resignation. This constituted an egregious criminal act of coercion of the most horrific nature.
I too feared for Professor Inoue’s life and therefore accompanied her as far as the front of the Harassment Prevention and Awareness Committee’s meeting room on that day. However, at approximately 3:00 p.m., Mr. Kazuya Yamanoi (then a staff member of the Harassment Prevention and Awareness Support Office at Chuo University; currently a member of the Chuo University Volunteer Center Steering Committee), who appeared in the second-floor corridor of Building No. 1—where the Committee was located—led me away to Conference Room 1234.
After Professor Inoue had been subjected to the full extent of violent abuse by Mr. Matazo Nakanishi and others, she emerged from the Committee room shortly after 4:50 p.m. in an utterly abnormal condition: she was so exhausted that she could not walk on her own, had difficulty even speaking, and appeared physically diminished, as if her body had visibly shrunk.
Because Chuo University, acting in collusion with the Wachi family and Wachi Takahiro, committed the crime of fabricating a false narrative and inflicting extraordinarily brutal violence upon Professor Inoue, the university thereafter had no choice but to adopt extreme measures and mobilize the entire organization to carry out a thorough cover-up of its crimes.
The details of these events are fully and exhaustively testified in the enclosed “Petition Addressed to Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Masahito Moriyama” (authored by Professor Inoue ××× and sent on January 8, 2024).
Professor Inoue previously submitted a petition addressed to former Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Masahito Moriyama. However, as none of the contents of that petition appear to have been reflected in any action, and as there is no evidence whatsoever that the Ministry imposed any strict or appropriate sanctions on Chuo University, I harbor grave doubts.
I cannot rule out the possibility that senior officials or staff members of the Private Education Division of the Higher Education Bureau of the Ministry—who are aligned with Chuo University—intercepted the petition and prevented it from reaching former Minister Moriyama.
This present petition concerns lives.
While being overwhelmed by teaching duties at ××× University and ××××××, Professor Inoue has, for more than twelve years and eight months, been subjected to lethal violence in the form of being relentlessly wished into self-erasure by Chuo University and numerous accomplices, and has been forced day after day to the brink of death. At stake are both Professor Inoue’s life and the life of Professor Inoue’s ×××, whose survival is impossible without her assistance.
I therefore respectfully request that Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Toshiko Abe personally receive this petition and read it with the utmost care.
I also wish Minister Abe to be fully informed of the fact that Chuo University—illegally protected by politicians including former Secretary-General Toshihiro Nikai—has enlisted the Ministry of Education, the Public Prosecutors Office, the Metropolitan Police Department, and the courts, and has thereby expanded without limit a chain of crimes consisting of criminal acts followed by systematic cover-ups carried out by the university as an organization. This makes Chuo University the most dangerous university, one that continues to undermine the national order to this very day.
Furthermore, on the same day that this petition is being submitted, Professor Inoue has also sent a petition addressed to Minister of Justice Keisuke Suzuki. I respectfully request that Minister Abe share information with Minister Suzuki so that both may gain a more detailed and accurate understanding of the true nature of Chuo University.
Purpose of the Petition and Background Leading to Its Submission
Since June 2012, we have continuously reported the criminal conduct of Chuo University to the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT). The first person who received our report and took it seriously was Mr. Keiji Umeki (then attached to the Director for Private Universities, Higher Education Bureau, MEXT).
However, after Chuo University was notified of the report and was requested by Mr. Umeki to provide a response by a fixed deadline, the university—under the leadership of Mr. Motohiro Hashimoto (then Dean of the Faculty of Law, Chuo University; currently Vice President of Chuo University) and Mr. Norihiko Fukuhara (then President and Chancellor of Chuo University)—fabricated an internal approval document that lacked the required authorization seal of Mr. Shuji Kuno (then Chairman of the Board of Trustees of Chuo University; currently Chairman of the Chuo University Alumni Association).
On July 25, 2012, Chuo University sent Professor Inoue a notice of dismissal stating that she would be dismissed on July 26.
When I telephoned Mr. Umeki to inform him of this sudden and drastic development, he was rendered speechless. He then told me, “We have received a response from Chuo University. Please come to the Ministry tomorrow.”
However, when we went to MEXT the following day, we were escorted to a sealed room on the first floor. Appearing there were Mr. Umeki—whose demeanor had completely changed from when he had earnestly received our report, now exuding a sense of guilt—and an unidentified man dressed in cool-biz attire who acted in a threatening manner toward us.
For more than an hour, while Mr. Umeki remained silent at our left side, this unnamed man deprived us of every opportunity to speak and subjected us to an assault of hostile and violent rhetoric, filled with malice and hatred.
At the end of this encounter, the man stated that he would “convey Chuo University’s response off the record” and forced us to accept a series of blatant falsehoods:
that “nothing happened on April 11, 2012,”
that “an investigation into harassment was conducted in late April,”
that “the harassment case is currently suspended,” and
that “for the sake of both parties’ reputations, Chuo University hopes not to pursue litigation.”
In reality, Chuo University not only lied to MEXT by denying the existence of the crime of coercion committed on April 11, 2012, but also effectively admitted to MEXT that it was dismissing Professor Inoue despite the absence of any grounds for dismissal, since the harassment case was allegedly “suspended.”
Moreover, Chuo University caused the man who appeared at MEXT to coerce us into refraining from litigation—an outrageous and manifestly illegal act carried out inside a closed room at the Ministry itself. I am unaware of any precedent in which a university has brazenly enlisted a government ministry in committing illegal acts in broad daylight.
Professor Inoue subsequently filed a lawsuit against Chuo University seeking a declaration that the university’s violent and unlawful disguised dismissal was invalid and demanding compensation for damages. In order to conceal the crime of coercion committed on April 11, 2012, Chuo University submitted to the court a forged CD-R, which it claimed contained recordings of the statements made that day, along with a forged transcript purporting to be a transcription of those recordings.
Using this forged CD-R as evidence, Professor Inoue filed criminal complaints in May 2013 against Wachi Takahiro, Mr. Matazo Nakanishi, Mr. Motohiro Hashimoto, and others for the crime of coercion, and in October of the same year she filed an additional complaint against Ms. Kyoko Nagamatsu.
However, in order to conceal the fact that the forged CD-R—the core of the crime—was indeed a forgery, Chuo University made improper approaches to both the courts and the Public Prosecutors Office, employing the most impermissible tactic of unlawfully linking civil litigation and criminal investigation to suppress the crime of coercion.
In the civil proceedings, Chuo University sought to conceal its crimes by exerting influence on Mr. Naoto Otani (then Secretary-General of the Supreme Court), resulting in the unconstitutional assignment of Mr. Takeshiyo Ota, a judge who graduated from Chuo University, to the Tachikawa Branch of the Tokyo District Court. This deprived Professor Inoue of her right to a fair trial before an independent judge.
Mr. Takeshiyo Ota, who undertook the improper mission of concealing Chuo University’s crimes, groundlessly rejected the application for forensic examination of the forged CD-R, excluded all evidence submitted by the plaintiff, refused to hear Professor Inoue’s testimony in any meaningful manner, and authored what can only be described as a “death sentence” judgment that wholly negated her personality and intellectual thought. No judge has ever treated the law with greater contempt and degradation than Mr. Ota.
In the criminal proceedings, Chuo University exerted influence over the Tachikawa Branch of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office, which had accepted the criminal complaint for coercion, and unlawfully linked two entirely distinct legal procedures—criminal investigation and civil litigation.
By the time Mr. Hisanori Morikawa (former prosecutor), who summoned Professor Inoue to the Tachikawa Branch on November 19, 2013, stated that he wished to “explore the situation from two directions—‘the scientific forensic results of the CD-R’ and ‘the course of the civil litigation’—to see whether prosecution would be possible,” the concealment of Chuo University’s crimes was already underway.
This concealment intensified after January 2014, when Ms. Naomi Unemoto (a graduate of Chuo University and currently Prosecutor General) was transferred to the Tachikawa Branch as its head. Through subordinate prosecutors Mr. Hisanori Morikawa and Mr. Yuji Nihei (former prosecutor), Ms. Unemoto continued to deceive Professor Inoue by claiming that “the recording media will be sent for forensic examination.”
As a result, Professor Inoue was continuously deprived of the opportunity to prove the existence of the crime of coercion by independently submitting the forged CD-R for forensic analysis and confirming the truth that it was indeed a forgery.
The Tachikawa Branch never sent the forged CD-R for examination and conducted no investigation whatsoever into the suspects from Chuo University—not even a single interview of any suspect. Instead, it delayed the proceedings for nearly two years and, just before the statute of limitations for the crime of coercion expired, unlawfully decided not to prosecute any of the suspects.
Notably, when explaining the decision not to prosecute, Mr. Yuji Nihei—who had taken over the concealment from Mr. Morikawa—stated that the reason the CD-R had not been sent for forensic examination was that “there was nothing strange when I listened to it with my own ears,” a justification wholly incompatible with the role and responsibility of a public prosecutor.
I believe that, based on the statement made by Mr. Hisanori Morikawa—“We would like to explore the situation from two directions: the ‘scientific forensic analysis of the CD-R’ and ‘the course of the civil litigation,’ in order to see whether prosecution is possible”—the Tachikawa Branch Office, under the direction of Ms. Naomi Unemoto, made use of the so-called “murderous judgment” written by Judge Takeo Ota in order to issue an improper decision not to prosecute and to conceal Chuo University’s crimes. This belief is grounded in the fact that Ms. Haruko Shibumura and Mr. Shigeru Furuta, attorneys acting as legal representatives for Chuo University and also in charge of its criminal defense, deliberately sent Judge Ota’s judgment to Mr. Morikawa after the first-instance proceedings in the lawsuit against Chuo University had concluded, and that Mr. Morikawa accepted it as evidence.
At the same time, Mr. Morikawa ignored the actual copy of Chuo University Newspaper No. 1234—the root cause of the separate lawsuit against the Chuo University Newspaper Society (a damages claim arising from defamatory false articles published against the professor)—despite the professor presenting the physical newspaper at the November 19, 2013 summons. Instead, regarding the plaintiff-losing judgment in the Newspaper Society lawsuit, Mr. Morikawa demanded its submission from Mr. NN (the civil litigation attorney), who had made the professor expend the large sum of 220,500 yen and enter into a mandate contract as the complainant’s legal representative. Mr. Morikawa’s concealment was thorough to the extent that, whenever he judged it useful for concealing Chuo University’s crimes, he would even involve judgments from unrelated lawsuits—such as the Newspaper Society case—into the criminal investigation.
Under current law, the principle of non-intervention in civil matters exists to prevent the state from intervening in private disputes. However, Chuo University and its complicit legal professionals exercised an aberrant, extra-legal form of violence—something that could be called “civil intervention into criminal proceedings”—by injecting the private dispute between the professor (plaintiff) and Chuo University (defendant) into a criminal investigation conducted by the state, all for the purpose of concealing Chuo University’s crimes. That a university claiming to teach law would so easily treat the law as nonexistent when it suits its own interests is a double standard that inspires nothing but dread.
If such corruption-laden “civil intervention into criminal proceedings” were to become normalized, the boundary between civil matters (the private sphere) and criminal matters (the state sphere) would disappear, and with it the force of all laws governing both domains. This extraordinary act of crime concealment—namely, “Chuo University’s encroachment upon the domain of the state by enlisting complicit legal professionals”—constitutes extra-legal violence that enables a single educational corporation to privatize the state itself, fundamentally destroying the legal order.
The Tachikawa Branch Office, then under the direction of Ms. Naomi Unemoto, actively participated in concealing Chuo University’s crimes. Precisely because it was already understood that Chuo University’s crimes would be concealed, Judge Takeo Ota—who had rejected the application for forensic examination—was able, despite having absolutely no basis for judging the forged CD-R to be genuine evidence, to “fix an indeterminable and unknown future” and explicitly state in his murderous judgment that “there was no coercion or intimidation by Matazo Nakanishi on April 11, 2012” (that is, “the crime of coercion did not exist”). Acting in accordance with a self-scripted concealment scenario, the Tachikawa Branch Office under Ms. Unemoto’s direction improperly ensured Chuo University’s victory through Judge Ota and then used the resulting murderous judgment—an artifact of illegality—as evidence to improperly decide not to prosecute any of Chuo University’s suspects.
Had Chuo University not made improper approaches to both civil and criminal proceedings, the university would have suffered a complete defeat for submitting forged evidence, and all suspects in the coercion case would have been prosecuted. The worst-case scenario—in which we have continued to suffer devastating losses across our entire lives for more than twelve years and eight months—would never have occurred. The more than twelve years and eight months stolen from us by Chuo University, acting in conspiracy with the Wachi family and Takahiro Wachi, and by all complicit legal professionals who resorted to concealment tantamount to legal terrorism, can never be restored.
Chuo University is an institution that not only framed innocent individuals but, once its wrongdoing was exposed to the victims, colluded with complicit legal professionals to destroy the legal order itself in an endless cycle of concealment. The sole condition for the survival of Chuo University and its accomplices is that Japan remain a lawless zone. Yet the lawless zone that protects their existence is, for us, an execution ground in which we are stripped of all legal remedies and forced to await our own annihilation. We are endlessly confined within a horrifyingly asymmetric cage: on one side, perpetrators of crime who survive protected by lawlessness; on the other, victims of crime abandoned in lawlessness and coerced into self-erasure.
The Wachi family, Takahiro Wachi, and Chuo University conspired to falsely brand us as “disgraced perpetrators guilty of human rights violations and stalking against Takahiro Wachi.” However, the true stalkers are those who continue to imprison us within this asymmetric cage and who absolutely refuse to allow us freedom from this grave incident: the Wachi family, Takahiro Wachi, Chuo University, and all accomplices who participated in concealing Chuo University’s crimes. They are the most dangerous stalker group, relentlessly pursuing us in order to drive us toward self-annihilation.
We are convinced that behind Ms. Naomi Unemoto—who was in a position to issue concealment instructions to Mr. Hisanori Morikawa and Mr. Yuji Nihei—stood Mr. Takayuki Aonuma, a graduate of Chuo University (then Deputy Chief Prosecutor of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office, later Chief Prosecutor of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office, and subsequently Deputy Prosecutor General of the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office), as well as Mr. Kotaro Ono (then Prosecutor General following his tenure as Chief Prosecutor of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office). We are certain that incontrovertible proof of this lies in the fact that, on April 1 and April 14, 2016, the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office at that time—under the direction of Prosecutor General Kotaro Ono and Deputy Prosecutor General Takayuki Aonuma—deprived us of our right to file criminal complaints and accusations against Chuo University and all of its accomplices, by way of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office Special Investigation Department, which was then directed by Mr. Takahiro Saito, also a graduate of Chuo University (then Chief of the Special Investigation Department of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office, currently Chief Prosecutor of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office).
Having been shut out from both civil and criminal avenues of justice, the professor commissioned the Institute of Forensic Science to conduct a forensic examination of the CD-R that Chuo University had submitted to the court. On July 23, 2015, an expert forensic report was issued proving that the CD-R submitted by Chuo University to the court was indeed a forged object. Both the CD-R that Chuo University falsely claimed to be a genuine recording of the statements made during the so-called “fact-finding interview” on April 11, 2012, and the transcript that it likewise claimed to be a faithful transcription of the recorded statements, were scientifically proven to be forgeries.
Below, I quote passages from my criminal complaint for the offense of unlawful creation and use of electromagnetic records, which I filed against Takahiro Wachi, Chuo University, and Chuo University’s attorneys. This complaint—submitted prior to my being stripped, via the Special Investigation Department, of my right to file complaints and accusations by the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office—sets forth both the forensic findings and the alleged criminal acts of the perpetrators.
“1. In the audio files contained in Exhibit 1, traces of editing are identifiable in the header information. Accordingly, these files cannot be regarded as genuine recordings made on April 11, 2012, and it must be fully considered that the recorded audio content itself may also have been edited or tampered with.” (Summary Forensic Report, p. 6)
“2. It is difficult to believe that the audio corresponding to items 1 through 43 of the examination concerns a voice belonging to a person other than Inoue ×××; it is judged highly likely that the voice is that of the same individual.” (Summary Forensic Report, p. 6)
“3. As an additional reference matter, because traces of editing are identifiable in the header information of the audio files in which the audio of Exhibit 1 has been duplicated, it cannot be ruled out that the content of the recorded audio has also been edited or tampered with. In order to make an accurate determination of these audio files, it is necessary to conduct a detailed re-examination using the original files (those directly recorded on an IC recorder).” (Summary Forensic Report, p. 6)
Furthermore, the summary forensic report contains additional findings establishing that the forged copy CD-R is indeed a forgery. On page 10 of the report, the results obtained by loading the file (“Fact Confirmation 20120411.wma”) using Olympus’s “Olympus Sonority Plus” software are presented. On the same page, it is clearly stated as a scientific fact that the time at which recording of the file ended was 14:13:33 on October 17, 2012.
This fact perfectly demonstrates that it is temporally impossible for Mr. Inoue ×××—who had already been unlawfully dismissed by Chuo University as of July 26, 2012—to have been present at the location where the audio file recorded on the forged copy CD-R was created.
This fact is further corroborated by the following quotations explicitly stated in the summary forensic report:
“Normally, for files recorded with an IC recorder, the header information retains the total duration of the file as the recording time, the date and time at which recording began as the creation date, and the date and time at which recording ended as the recording end time. However, in Exhibit 1 (Case No. H24 (Labor) 46, Defendant’s Exhibit No. 8), the file ‘Fact Confirmation 20120411.wma’ contains descriptions that differ from the norm, and the creation date is unknown (only the date and time analyzed by Olympus Sonority Plus are recorded). Moreover, the audio file in Exhibit 1 does not contain accurate information—such as information indicating that the audio was created on April 11, 2012.” (Summary Forensic Report, p. 11)
“Using the high-performance binary editor ‘Stirling’ (free software), the header information of Exhibit 1 (‘Fact Confirmation 20120411.wma’) was analyzed. As a result, the header information of Exhibit 1 differs from that normally generated when copying from an IC recorder, and the audio file is not a copy of an original IC recorder file. Clearly, traces were identified indicating that some form of editing had been performed using a computer or similar device.” (Summary Forensic Report, p. 12)
Based on the above forensic findings, there is no room for doubt that the reported persons (2) Matazo Nakanishi and (3) Kyoko Nagamatsu—who conducted the so-called “fact-finding interview” on April 11, 2012—together with reported person (1) Motohiro Hashimoto, who attended the labor tribunal together with Matazo Nakanishi, staged a complete re-enactment of the “fact-finding interview” from scratch on a different date after April 12 of that year, employing stand-ins, for the purpose of completely concealing their own illegal acts.
Moreover, after excluding Mr. Inoue ××× from the creation of the audio data, reported persons (1) through (3) unlawfully created audio data that had a decisive impact on the factual proof concerning Mr. Inoue ×××. Not only did they record this forged audio data onto a CD-R on October 17, 2012, but they also submitted the forged copy CD-R to the court and proceeded with civil litigation. In doing so, they caused grave errors in the handling of matters exclusively entrusted to the state—namely, judicial adjudication and trial proceedings—from the labor tribunal through the second-instance judgment. They further caused errors even in the handling of legal representation by Mr. NN, thereby resulting in the plaintiff’s defeat. In light of these facts, the maliciousness of their illegal conduct is exceptionally grave.
Given that Mr. Inoue ××× had been unlawfully dismissed by Chuo University as of July 26, 2012, it is temporally impossible for Mr. Inoue ××× to have been involved in the creation of the audio data recorded on the forged copy CD-R.”
(“Criminal Complaint Mailed to the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office on March 31, 2015,” pp. 7–9)
However, the issuance of the forensic report on July 23, 2015, far from steering this major incident toward resolution, merely intensified the violent concealment carried out by Chuo University, which feared exposure of its crimes, and by the Public Prosecutors Office, which had long colluded in concealing those crimes. Ultimately, we were deemed entities unworthy of legal redress and were expelled outside the realm of legal order itself by both Chuo University and the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office of that time, which had participated in the concealment of Chuo University’s crimes.
On September 18, 2015, Chuo University’s Internal Audit Office / Whistleblower Office—having falsely claimed that it would accept and investigate our allegations—lured us in, while in fact plotting to fraudulently obtain the original forged CD-R from us. When, harboring strong suspicions regarding that office’s conduct, we made an unannounced visit on September 24, 2015, it was discovered that the office had committed a criminal offense under the Penal Code equivalent to theft, by unlawfully copying the forensic report without authorization.
At that time, the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office Special Investigation Department, headed by Takahiro Saitō as Director, coldly returned all of the criminal complaints and accusations we had submitted on September 9, 2015, together with numerous items of evidence centered on the forensic report. On the same day, the Professor submitted a petition to then Prosecutor General Kentaro Ōno, enclosing both a criminal complaint against Chuo University and its complicit legal professionals and the forensic report itself; however, Ōno ignored the petition in total silence.
In October 2015, we met directly with Masasaburō Sakai, then President of Chuo University, and repeatedly sent documents enclosing the forensic report to Takehisa Fukazawa, then Chairman of the Board of Trustees, thereby directly informing them of the crimes committed by Chuo University. Sakai consistently maintained a posture of concealment, while Fukazawa returned all documents we had submitted. Furthermore, on December 21, 2015, Fukazawa committed the outrageous act of sending a certified letter threatening legal action to the Professor’s home, stating: “There is no fact that we obtained a favorable judgment through fraud by submitting forged recording media. Should you disseminate false information, we will take legal measures.”
Concluding that no logic whatsoever could penetrate a university that continued to insist the forged CD-R was genuine evidence even after being sent the forensic report, we once again filed criminal complaints and accusations against Chuo University and its complicit legal professionals with the Tachikawa Branch of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office. However, Kumiko Suzuki, the prosecutor in charge of intake—who had received instructions to conceal the crimes of Chuo University and of the legal professionals involved, including herself—engaged in thorough obstruction of our complaints. Although she formally accepted the filings on December 25, 2015, she did not forward either the complaint or the accusation to any investigative prosecutor. Despite having told us, “I am merely the intake prosecutor and will not be involved in the investigation,” she nevertheless sent us a notice of non-prosecution dated March 7, 2016, bearing her own name and declaring all suspects not to be prosecuted.
The violence aimed at concealing the crimes of Chuo University and its collaborators—violence that brazenly ignored both law and evidence—continued to escalate without restraint, reaching its apex at the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office, where we had submitted criminal complaints and accusations on March 18, 2015.
If the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office had accepted complaints and accusations grounded in scientific evidence, it would have been unavoidable that not only Chuo University but all legal professionals complicit in its crimes—including those within the prosecution itself—would become criminals. For that reason, in order to conceal all crimes, the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office exercised against us the ultimate form of extralegal violence: the suspension of the effectiveness of law itself. This was precisely what occurred on April 1 and April 14, 2016, when—via the Special Investigation Department—the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office deprived us of our right to file criminal complaints and accusations.
The Supreme Public Prosecutors Office, positioned at the apex of judicial administration (namely, then Prosecutor General Kentaro Ōno and then Deputy Prosecutor General Takayuki Aonuma), conspired with the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office Special Investigation Department (headed by Takahiro Saitō, then Director, now Prosecutor General of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office) to protect Chuo University, themselves, and all legal professionals complicit in the concealment of Chuo University’s crimes—including Naomi Unemoto. To that end, they exercised extralegal violence tantamount to terrorism against the legal order, by locally suspending the operation of law within the rule-of-law state of Japan, and directed that violence against the victims of Chuo University’s grave crimes.
This exercise of extralegal violence amounts to nothing less than a killing act, commanding the victims:
“You are forbidden from reporting any crimes related to Chuo University! Die in a lawless zone without ever reaching even the entrance to legal redress!”
Their conduct—“issuing a state of emergency that does not exist in Japan, despite having no authority to do so, and generating a localized state of exception through extralegal violence”—constitutes nothing other than an anti-state, large-scale organized crime containing the elements of insurrection.
If Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Toshiko Abe has read this petition up to this point, I am confident that she fully understands that Chuo University is the most dangerous kind of university—one that would not hesitate, in order to have its crimes concealed, to pursue concealment upon concealment to the very end, even going so far as to cause the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office to commit acts tantamount to terrorism against the legal order itself.
Nevertheless, despite the fact that we have repeatedly submitted reports and petitions concerning Chuo University’s crimes since June 2012, there has been no indication whatsoever, in news reports or otherwise, that Chuo University—a destroyer of legal order—has ever been subjected to any form of sanction. For this reason, we cannot help but harbor grave doubts that the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) itself may also stand on the side of those who participate in the destruction of legal order and in acts that endanger our very lives.
Despite having shattered the law to an extreme degree, Chuo University continues to struggle for survival not only as an institution that claims to teach law, but also by establishing new faculties—including the Faculty of Global Informatics and the Faculty of Global Management—and by pursuing further faculty reorganizations. At the same time, it endlessly carries out publicity campaigns that falsely present itself as “a university unconnected to crime,” “a university with a future,” and “a university open to society.” And yet, no movement whatsoever has emerged from any state institution to regard Chuo University as the profoundly dangerous institution that it is.
I find it utterly incomprehensible why MEXT, which has been granted by the state overwhelming authority to supervise and oversee universities nationwide—including the power to allocate subsidies and research funding indispensable to the survival of both public and private universities—has done nothing, or claims it can do nothing, only in the case of Chuo University.
While we were still being subjected to limitless acts of concealment-driven violence—ultimately culminating in the deprivation of our right to file criminal complaints and accusations—we visited the Private Education Division of the Higher Education Bureau of MEXT on November 4, 2015, to report Chuo University’s crimes. We strongly requested that Koji Hoshi (then Councillor, Private Education Division, Higher Education Bureau) and Yasuhiro Abeta (then attached to the same office), who responded to our report, conduct strict guidance and investigation under the School Education Act, on the grounds that Chuo University—having piled crime upon crime—lacked governance at a fundamental level, and that its chairman of the board, who bears responsibility for representing and administering the school corporation, had utterly failed to fulfill his duties.
Mr. Hoshi and Mr. Abeta apologized for the conduct of the man who had verbally abused us without restraint on July 26, 2012, and they listened to us calmly and attentively. In particular, Mr. Hoshi stated, “We will work to encourage Chuo University to exercise self-cleansing functions,” and promised, “I will use independent channels to make contact with Chuo University.” At the end of the meeting, I told Mr. Hoshi, “I think you will be subjected to tremendous pressure from here on, so please be careful,” to which he replied, “I will be fine,” before returning to his post together with Mr. Abeta.
However, in April 2016, shortly after the new year, an inexplicable event occurred: both Mr. Hoshi and Mr. Abeta were suddenly excluded from MEXT, shut out from the ministry altogether. Mr. Umeki—who had carefully listened to our report in 2012—also entered a prolonged period during which it was unclear whether he was even still employed by MEXT, before we eventually confirmed that he is now working at a national university.
On November 5, 2015, the day after we made our report, Mr. Abeta telephoned the Professor in an extremely agitated tone, saying, “There is no response document from Chuo University.” This call left a powerful impression that materials relating to Chuo University’s crimes were being destroyed within MEXT itself. We therefore harbor grave concerns that the extensive documentary evidence we submitted—both the materials concerning Chuo University’s crimes submitted in fiscal year 2012 and the massive body of evidence centered on the forensic report issued by the Institute of Forensic Science and submitted on November 4, 2015—may no longer exist within MEXT today.
At the time we made our report on November 4, 2015, Koichi Hagiuda (former Minister of Education), who then served as Director-General of the Cabinet Personnel Bureau, wielded overwhelming influence in Hachioji City. He later went so far as to invite Norihiko Fukuhara (former President and Chancellor of Chuo University) and Hisashi Kawai (President of Chuo University) to MEXT for individual meetings, demonstrating his deep ties with Chuo University. It has also been confirmed that Hiroshi Hase, the Minister of Education at the time of our report, met face-to-face with Masasaburō Sakai (former President of Chuo University) and engaged in friendly conversation with him at a banquet.
Politicians of the Abe faction, with Mr. Hagiuda as one of their leading figures, have historically exerted extremely strong influence over MEXT. It is impossible to believe that this fact is unrelated to the reality that Chuo University’s crimes have been tacitly condoned and overlooked by MEXT for such an extended period of time.
With particular regard to Chuo University’s forcible relocation of its Faculty of Law to central Tokyo, the petition that you previously addressed to former Minister of Education Masahito Moriyama sets out in detail the fact that MEXT itself committed legal violations together with Chuo University. As reported by Sentaku, an information magazine with a circulation of 30,000, in its article dated February 18, 2019, serious suspicions were raised that the public bidding process through which Chuo University became a lessee of metropolitan government–owned land for the relocation was a “prearranged outcome.” The article points to the involvement of former LDP Secretary-General Toshihiro Nikai, widely regarded as Chuo University’s political patron, in the bidding process, as well as to a strong likelihood that the Tokyo Metropolitan Government, over which Governor Yuriko Koike—who has been deeply entangled with Mr. Nikai and who once served as a faculty member at Chuo University—held real power, showed preferential consideration.
At the very stage of leasing the land on which the building was to be constructed, the circumstances are such that one cannot avoid suspecting the existence of bid rigging or collusion. It is inconceivable that MEXT was unaware of these facts.
Furthermore, the Spring 2023 issue (No. 522) of Chuo University’s official alumni bulletin, Gakuin Jiho, carries a statement by Shuji Kuno, President of the Chuo University Alumni Association, in which he declares: “At a time when government policy made expansion into central Tokyo impossible due to enrollment caps in the 23 wards, the fair and decisive judgment of then–LDP Secretary-General Toshihiro Nikai, who believed that an exception provision should be established, made this central Tokyo expansion possible.”
Within Japan, a state governed by the rule of law, there exists no room whatsoever for any so-called “exception provision” of the kind Mr. Kuno attributes to “the decisive judgment of Secretary-General Toshihiro Nikai.”
From Mr. Kuno’s statement, it is unmistakably clear that MEXT knowingly overlooked Chuo University’s violation of the 23-ward enrollment restrictions, allowing what was framed as an “exception provision”—in other words, a violation of legal precedent and statutory regulation—in deference to the political protection provided by Mr. Nikai. This means that MEXT did not merely fail to stop the violation of law; it committed violations itself.
A university that proceeds to construct a new campus in violation of the 23-ward restrictions on land leased from the Tokyo Metropolitan Government under circumstances strongly suggestive of collusion—an act that far exceeds the bounds of what ordinary citizens could imagine—possesses not the slightest commitment to legal compliance. Because approval by MEXT was indispensable for Chuo University to accomplish the relocation of its Faculty of Law, MEXT necessarily became complicit in Chuo University’s survival by tacitly condoning and approving the relocation, despite the university’s commission of grave crimes.
The process by which Chuo University, politicians including former Secretary-General Nikai, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government under Governor Yuriko Koike, and MEXT each violated legal norms from their respective positions in order to realize the relocation of the Faculty of Law must be thoroughly investigated and immediately rectified.
Extremely dangerously, within today’s Chuo University there is not a single individual willing to take responsibility for an unprecedented series of major crimes that not only robbed innocent victims of twelve years and eight months of their lives, but also enlisted multiple state institutions in the concealment of those crimes and repeatedly directed extrajudicial violence against the victims. On the contrary, Chuo University has constructed a complete concealment apparatus, in which the perpetrators of crimes and those responsible for covering them up monopolize the university’s key leadership positions.
In September 2015, Masahiko Omura, who as head of the university’s Internal Audit Office was responsible for handling whistleblower reports, suppressed the accusations brought forward jointly by us and Mr. ××××—then an ally of ours, enrolled in the doctoral program of Chuo University’s Graduate School of Law, and qualified as an internal whistleblower as a member of the university. Mr. Omura also sought to fraudulently appropriate a forged CD-R that Chuo University submitted to the court, and committed the crime of theft by illegally copying a forensic expert report without authorization. Despite these actions, Masahiko Omura remains Chairman of the Board to this day.
Under the control of Chairman Omura, Chuo University appointed Kenichiro Endo—who had concealed Takahiro Wachi, the individual who falsely accused us of harassment and framed us, within the private seminar he himself oversaw—as Dean of the Faculty of Law. It further appointed Makoto Tadaki as Chair of the Graduate School of Law Committee, despite the fact that he protected Mr. ××××, who returned to Chuo University fully aware of the vast majority of the university’s criminal conduct in order to satisfy his desire “to become a professor,” and who now continues to teach criminal law as a part-time lecturer.
Moreover, Motohiro Hashimoto, who forcibly shut down all lectures taught by you on the day before the commission of the crime of coercion on April 11, 2012, and who—together with Norihiko Fukuhara (then President and Chancellor of Chuo University)—led the effort to engineer your fraudulent dismissal, has not been held accountable at all; instead, he continues to be appointed and retained as Vice President of the university.
Every single day that Chuo University escapes legal sanction and continues to exist functions solely as a coercive force that drives us toward an execution ground where every action we take coincides perfectly with our own self-annihilation. This is the true nature of Chuo University: a university that compelled the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office to exercise extrajudicial violence containing the elements of the crime of insurrection, that persists endlessly in utter lack of remorse and irresponsibility, and that seeks survival by coldly sacrificing the lives of its victims, while simultaneously deploying various media to proclaim slogans such as “human rights protection” and “diversity,” and to advertise itself as “a university with a future” and “a university open to society.”
No university is more distant from human rights and diversity than Chuo University, where the vast majority of faculty and staff share the mindset epitomized by the abusive statements made by Matazo Nakanishi in connection with the crime of coercion committed by Chuo University on April 11, 2012, such as “Adjunct lecturers are parasites!” and “Contemporary thought is delusion!”
Furthermore, by ultimately compelling the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office to exercise extrajudicial violence that created a “localized state of exception,” thereby stripping victims of their right to file criminal complaints and accusations, Chuo University elevated itself to the position of a “transcendent god,” a supposedly crime-free perfect being. A university that has reached such a position has no future left whatsoever, nor does it retain any conditions under which it could be “open to society.”
No matter how much Chuo University adorns itself with statistics such as bar examination pass rates, numbers of successful candidates in professional qualification exams, or athletic achievements such as relay races, it has become incapable of advancing toward any “better future.” Having become self-contained as a “transcendent god,” Chuo University no longer requires scholarship or education at all. By successively enlisting state institutions and politicians who can be exploited, endlessly continuing acts of destruction against the law, and sacrificing the lives of victims, mere survival itself has become its sole objective. Such a university is Chuo University, and no university poses a greater danger to Japan.
However, as a result of the large-scale investigation launched at the end of 2023 into suspected violations of the Political Funds Control Act, initiated by the decision of former Prosecutor General Kai, the political power of the Nikai faction, including former Secretary-General Toshihiro Nikai, who had unlawfully protected Chuo University, as well as politicians of the Abe faction, including former Minister of Education Koichi Hagiuda, has been significantly diminished.
Although more than twelve years have been senselessly lost since we were framed and destroyed by Takahiro Wachi, the Wachi family, and Chuo University on April 11, 2012, this marks the first genuine opportunity in which powerful politicians have lost the capacity to shield Chuo University through corrupt means. Precisely for this reason, we—who continue to be pressed by Chuo University and all its accomplices toward our own disappearance—believe that MEXT must not be allowed to miss this opportunity.
Now is the ideal moment for MEXT to exercise thorough supervision and control over Chuo University without interference of any kind. At the same time, MEXT must immediately sever itself from the unlawful acts it has committed—together with Chuo University—or may still be committing, namely the tacit approval and overlooking of Chuo University’s continued existence, which amounts to the concealment of Chuo University’s crimes, an illegal act that constitutes nothing less than a murderous act against the victims.
Nevertheless, while this petition was being prepared, reports emerged on December 26, 2024, that the current Public Prosecutors Office—under the command of Naomi Unemoto, who has continued to conceal Chuo University’s crimes—had collectively decided not to prosecute 65 individuals, including members of the National Diet and their secretaries, who had been accused of violating the Political Funds Control Act. It is impossible not to suspect that Naomi Unemoto, who was involved in the concealment of Chuo University’s crimes while serving as Chief Prosecutor of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office Tachikawa Branch and who continues that concealment today as Prosecutor General, may be attempting to restore the political power of politicians willing to assist in shielding Chuo University through concealment.
We are also deeply concerned by the situation in which the freedom of former Osaka District Public Prosecutors Office Chief Prosecutor Kentaro Kitagawa appears to have been suppressed. Mr. Kitagawa served as Director of the Criminal Affairs Department under former Prosecutor General Nishikawa, who initiated investigations into Chuo University, and was in a position to know about both Chuo University’s crimes and the individuals who participated in their concealment. Beginning in February of this year, as former Prosecutor General Kai approached mandatory retirement, allegations of sexual assault against a female prosecutor by Mr. Kitagawa began to surface. Mr. Kitagawa was arrested on June 25, three days before the cabinet decision approving Naomi Unemoto’s appointment as Prosecutor General on June 28, and was indicted on July 12, just three days after Ms. Unemoto assumed office on July 9. This sequence of events leaves us with a profound sense of unease.
Moreover, despite the fact that no verdict has yet been finalized, nationwide condemnation has erupted as though guilt had already been conclusively established, accompanied by reporting that appears designed to inflame public opinion. This excessive and unnatural media response cannot help but raise serious doubts.
We believe that a critically urgent situation has now arisen, leaving not a moment to spare. Accordingly, we respectfully but earnestly request that Minister of Education Toshiko Abe review the petitions set forth below and move immediately to carry them out.
Petition Requests
1.
We respectfully petition that, after carefully reading the enclosed “Petition Addressed to Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Masahito Moriyama” (prepared by Professor Inoue ××× and sent on January 8, 2024), Minister of Education Toshiko Abe, under her direct supervision, promptly implement the petitions set forth in Items One through Four of that document as requested therein by Professor Inoue.
2.
With regard to Item Four of the above-mentioned petition submitted by Professor Inoue, we note that Prosecutor General Kai has already retired, and that an extraordinary and highly abnormal situation now exists in which the Public Prosecutors Office is being directed by Naomi Unemoto, who remains in office as Prosecutor General for the purpose of concealing—both past and ongoing—crimes committed by Chuo University (and who is a member of the Chuo University Legal Professionals Association), together with Takahiro Saito, Prosecutor General of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office (also serving as head of the Tokyo Prosecutors Branch affiliated with Chuo University and likewise a member of the Chuo University Legal Professionals Association), both of whom maintain close ties with Chuo University.
Accordingly, if Minister Toshiko Abe possesses even partial knowledge of the circumstances or detailed internal background concerning the manner in which the Ministry of Education has been complicit, from 2012 to the present, in concealing Chuo University’s numerous crimes, we respectfully petition that she strictly avoid any disclosure whatsoever to Naomi Unemoto or Takahiro Saito, and instead personally convey such information directly to Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba and Minister of Justice Keisuke Suzuki.
3.
We respectfully petition that Norihiko Fukuhara—former President and Chancellor of Chuo University—who was appointed on January 1, 2024, by former Minister of Education Masahito Moriyama as Chairman of the Japan Private School Promotion and Mutual Aid Corporation, be immediately removed from that position.
Mr. Fukuhara was a central figure who, beginning with the crime of coercion committed on April 11, 2012, forcibly carried out Professor Inoue’s fraudulent dismissal together with then–Dean of the Faculty of Law Motohiro Hashimoto, caused defamatory false articles damaging Professor Inoue’s reputation to be published internally under the name of the university president, and thereafter continued relentlessly to participate in the concealment of Chuo University’s crimes.
4.
Although this request overlaps with Item Two of the petition previously submitted by Professor Inoue to former Minister Masahito Moriyama, we once again strongly petition that all subsidies and research funding currently provided to Chuo University be immediately suspended, and that Chuo University be guided toward dissolution as a school corporation.
Chuo University has committed an egregious crime by fabricating false harassment accusations through the use of a pseudo-investigative body known as the Chuo University Harassment Prevention and Awareness Committee, thereby framing us and depriving us of more than twelve years and eight months of our lives. It has never ceased to enlist state institutions in the concealment of these crimes. Having fundamentally collapsed the legal order and transformed itself into a so-called “crime-free perfect entity” that seeks survival through the sacrifice of crime victims, Chuo University manifestly lacks the qualifications required of a higher education institution.
Because perpetrators and concealers of crimes monopolize its executive leadership, and faculty members who have participated in criminal acts continue to teach, it is impossible for Chuo University to provide an educational environment suitable for scholarship and education.
5.
We respectfully petition that the Ministry of Education immediately issue directives to all universities nationwide requiring them to prohibit, by university regulations, the filing of false harassment complaints made with malicious intent for the purpose of socially destroying others deemed inconvenient or unpleasant.
6.
We further petition that a new system be established that enables the Ministry of Education to impose the maximum possible punitive measures against universities that, like Chuo University, fabricate false harassment accusations and thereby inflict devastating harm on innocent individuals.
If complainants are granted unconditional recognition as “courageous, good-faith victims” regardless of the truth or falsity of their claims, receiving flawless protection, while the accused are automatically cast as “malicious perpetrators unworthy of any rights and deserving of social annihilation,” such an absolutely asymmetrical form of violence becomes normalized. Under such conditions, not only scholarship but any form of dialogue with others becomes impossible.
Permitting false harassment allegations that disregard the truth places the entire educational system at risk of collapse, ultimately rendering both the academic community and education itself—fundamentally human relationships—impossible.
Conclusion
Had Wachi Takahiro never taken the entrance examination for the seminar and entered the Introduction to Contemporary Thought Seminar, Chuo University would never have repeatedly committed crimes—nor crimes of concealing crimes—by enlisting the complicity of state institutions, including the Ministry of Education. Nor would it have occurred that twelve years and eight months of the professor’s invaluable time, at a stage when he had reached intellectual and professional maturity, were destroyed and rendered meaningless.
Deprived of his livelihood, forced into an unavoidable struggle for legal redress, and compelled to expend enormous sums of money while living in severe financial hardship, the professor’s entire life has suffered catastrophic devastation. Through the continuous and organized acts tantamount to murder carried out by Chuo University and its legal-professional accomplices—who framed the professor with false harassment allegations and then stripped him of every possible avenue of legal remedy—he has been rendered incapable of even the most basic acts of daily life: bathing and cleansing his body, replacing broken furniture, engaging with films or music, organizing his own apartment, or maintaining contact and interaction with acquaintances.
While continuing to rush between lectures at the universities where he teaches and ××××××, he survives only barely, in a state of extreme exhaustion, driven relentlessly toward erasure and disappearance under utterly intolerable conditions.
As for myself, I have been driven into such severe economic distress that I have been forced to live day after day washing my head and body only with water. Moreover, having been continuously exposed—up to the present day—to the intense hatred and murderous intent directed at me by Chuo University and all of its accomplices, I continue to suffer from serious physical injuries. Having been subjected for many years to the extreme and deranged malice encapsulated in the message “You should die too!”, ceaselessly directed at me by Chuo University and its accomplices centered on Wachi Takahiro, I developed severe clinical depression, which shows no sign whatsoever of recovery as of the day I am writing this petition.
While awake, I am constantly tormented by headaches, skin eruptions, and a choking sensation in my throat due to autonomic nervous system dysfunction caused by depression; while asleep, I am haunted nightly by nightmares, leaving me unable to obtain even minimal rest. With each passing year, as I feel my mind and body steadily weakening, the anxiety—like a great hole opening in my left chest, as if the ground beneath my feet has suddenly collapsed—that vividly awakens the sense of approaching death grows ever stronger with each passing day. The fear that the walls on all sides of my room may be smashed in from outside, allowing violence to come rushing in like an avalanche, has also intensified.
As this abnormal mental state becomes chronic—one in which I feel as though I am standing with my back to a sheer cliff, battered continuously by ever-strengthening gales blowing from the front—I have lost the ability even to recall what it once felt like when time still seemed to flow. There are moments when I cannot help but think that abandoning everything, surrendering myself to the raging wind, and falling to the bottom of the cliff would be far easier than continuing to live in a present stripped of both past and future.
In the contemporary philosophy class taught by the professor, I encountered the book Remnants of Auschwitz: The Witness and the Archive by Giorgio Agamben, and was deeply struck by the sentence:
“Any one of us, without knowing why, may be accused, found guilty, and executed.” (p. 17)
Even if we are ultimately driven to erasure after having been falsely accused of harassment by Chuo University acting in collusion with the Wachi family and Wachi Takahiro, there will be no “why” to it. It will merely confirm the truth of Agamben’s words:
“That is to say, without reason or meaning, everyone can substitute for another in dying or surviving; the camp is the place in which no one can really die or survive as himself.” (p. 139)
Agamben also writes:
“In the camp, inmates exist daily and anonymously toward death.” (p. 100)
Since April 14, 2016, when the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office—then under the command of former Prosecutor General Kotaro Ono and former Deputy Prosecutor General Takayuki Aonuma—acting through the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office Special Investigation Department directed by former Chief Prosecutor Takahiro Saito, extralegally stripped us of our right to file criminal complaints and accusations against Chuo University and all of its accomplices, I too have been banished into a lawless zone that bears an extremely close resemblance to the “camp” described by Agamben—a place where all possibility of legal remedy has been taken away.
Even after that, together with the professor, we have continued to send written requests for relief addressed to successive Prosecutors General—from former Prosecutor General Nishikawa through former Prosecutor General Kai—yet even now, no clear prospect of legal redress has come into view. Of course, I do not believe that only the harm I myself have suffered should be privileged or deemed uniquely deserving of relief. At the same time, it is also true that in the present era, as Japan has entered a phase of decline, legal order itself is gradually being lost, and with each passing year the country increasingly reveals the aspect of a camp-like space in which the force of law is suspended.
However, if the grave crimes of Chuo University are left unchecked, and if the Ministry of Education—which has aligned itself with Chuo University on the side that destroys both legal order and the value of scholarship—can do nothing more than leave the present situation as it is, then this can only mean that the Ministry has consented not merely to allowing the camp-space described by Agamben to expand across Japan, but to actively accelerating that expansion. Should the abnormal state of affairs now being left unattended result in a limit condition in which the entirety of Japan coincides with such a camp-space, scholarship and education will at that point become completely meaningless and devoid of any value whatsoever.
If many people other than the professor were to be driven into limit situations similar to the one in which the professor is currently placed, it is not only inevitable that they would be crushed by the continuously exercised extralegal violence and the endlessly expanding damage, thereby losing their capacity for mental and physical activity; it is also entirely conceivable that some would even choose suicide. That the professor, even under such limit conditions, has not surrendered his freedom of mind and has been able to continue thinking and fighting through to the end is precisely because he lives as a practitioner of contemporary thought—contemporary thought that Matanishi Matazo, who committed the crime of coercion, dismissed wholesale with the outburst “It’s a delusion!”
To hurl such an extreme insult as “Contemporary thought is delusion!” and to deny it outright despite knowing nothing about it is something that could never occur within a normal institution of higher education. I sincerely hope that the importance of contemporary thought—which grants to all who learn it a true power to live, enabling them to endure limit conditions severe enough that suicide would not be unthinkable, and within those conditions to sharpen thought without limit and to advance steadily toward what lies ahead of any predefined path—will once again be deeply recognized and embraced.
Finally, I earnestly hope that Minister of Education Toshiko Abe, by strictly disciplining Chuo University for having committed an unprecedented grave crime that destroys legal order and degrades the value of scholarship to a zero point, will lead the Ministry of Education itself toward renewal. And through that act, I respectfully but strongly request that you raise legal order and the value of scholarship once more to a noble position in which people can believe they are worthy of respect. With this final appeal, I hereby conclude this petition.
End