Petition
January 4, Reiwa 5 (2023)
1-1-1 Kasumigaseki, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo
To: Mr. Yukio Kai
Prosecutor-General
Supreme Public Prosecutors Office
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Inoue ×××
Research Assistant (Researcher in Contemporary Thought)
M, Deprived of the Right to File a Criminal Complaint
[Introduction]
I am a victim of crime who has continued, together with my teacher, to resist and confront a large-scale organized crime in this case. This criminal conduct originated with Chuo University and has expanded to involve the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, the courts, and the public prosecutors office at the time. Since April 11, 2012—the date on which Chuo University carried out an act constituting the crime of coercion under Japanese law—I have accompanied my teacher and have, up to the present, continued to suffer the consequences of this large-scale organized crime. The said university is in collusive relations with forces purporting to represent “human rights,” which themselves maintain a mutually embedded relationship with anti-social elements.
I am also a witness who has continuously observed the devastating process by which my teacher has been successively deprived of legal rights. This has occurred because the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, the courts, and the public prosecutors office at the time—each of which has continued to protect the unlawful acts of both the “human rights” forces and Chuo University—have consistently failed to exercise the authority vested in them under law.
From April 11, 2012 to the present day, Chuo University—in collusion with forces purporting to represent “human rights”—has shown no remorse whatsoever and has sustained its continued existence solely by treating the victims as though they do not exist.
As a consequence, the victims—and in particular my teacher—have been forced to endure an inherently irreconcilable ordeal: despite the fact that their lives are, in substance, tantamount to complete collapse, they are compelled to continue their daily existence as though their lives had not collapsed at all. They have borne and continue to bear this suffering while carrying an overwhelming and extreme burden (details omitted).
It is my understanding that officials of the Public Prosecutors Office, from the tenure of former Prosecutor-General Nishikawa onward, have been fully aware of this situation. Nevertheless, no decisive and visible sign of relief has yet materialized.
Having been targeted by this large-scale organized crime—initiated by the ferocious malice of Takahiro Wachi and the Wachi family—I, like my teacher, have been deprived of eleven years of my life. During that time, everything that might otherwise have been possible has been completely eradicated by this organized criminal conduct.
All of my comrades in this struggle betrayed my teacher by first entrapping me, and I am told that one of them continues, even now, to teach criminal law at Chuo University. I now find myself able to deeply understand the words of Yoshiro Ishihara: “Minor betrayals within a camp remain the longest within a person and continue to corrode them throughout their life.”
Human relationships have been severed. I have no television. I wash my hair and body with water alone. As I do not possess health insurance, I suppress chronic cold symptoms with over-the-counter medication, and manage to keep warm only with disposable heat packs. My life of destitution grows harsher with each passing year, and I do not know how long I will be able to sustain it.
At this stage, I no longer seek relief for myself. This is because, although I had begun to perceive the exceptional danger posed by Takahiro Wachi from the latter half of the first semester of 2011, when the introductory seminar on contemporary thought was being conducted, I failed to adequately convey that danger to my teacher and was therefore unable to prevent the occurrence of this large-scale organized crime.
However, my teacher, unlike myself, harbored no preconceptions or biases, and merely fulfilled the natural duty of an educator by providing Takahiro Wachi with foundational instruction in contemporary thought.
For what reason, then, has my teacher been subjected—by Takahiro Wachi and his family, as well as by forces purporting to represent “human rights,” Chuo University, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, the courts, and the public prosecutors office at the time, all acting in concert—to a relentless and systematic severance of every possibility of survival? Why has a gradual, state-wide campaign of attrition—an incremental deprivation of the means of subsistence—been continuously imposed upon my teacher, driving those possibilities asymptotically toward zero?
Why has no official statement been issued? Does there still remain some force that obstructs such an official announcement? Are Chuo University and the forces purporting to represent “human rights” permitted—without consequence—to commit violations that go beyond mere breaches of law, amounting to the destruction of law itself, and even to carry out acts tantamount to killing? In perpetrating such acts, do they give no consideration to the fact that others, too, have lives to sustain? Is it truly possible to maintain a state of mind that remains unaffected even after committing such crimes? On what grounds could such acts ever be justified?
For eleven years, we have repeated these questions countless times. Although we have yet to find a single answer that fully satisfies us, the “asymptotic siege” imposed upon my teacher—the gradual deprivation of all means of survival—is now approaching its final stage, in which every remaining possibility of survival will converge with death.
I respectfully urge you to give due consideration to this petition and to recognize, once again, the grave danger posed by this large-scale organized crime, carried out in concert by forces purporting to represent “human rights,” the Wachi family, Chuo University, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, the courts, and the public prosecutors office at the time. This danger lies in nothing less than the destruction of law itself—the very foundation of the state order.
Following my teacher’s disguised dismissal from Chuo University, and by around 2020 (details omitted), my teacher’s prospects for survival had already reached a critical level. I respectfully ask that you recognize that the situation has now become so severe and imminent that it can no longer be sustained even by my teacher’s own mental fortitude.
[Statement of Petition]
My teacher, and I myself in my capacity as my teacher’s research assistant, had our complaint and accusation filings returned in the most cruel manner, and were simultaneously deprived of the right to file a criminal complaint and the right to make a criminal accusation. This occurred after our filings had proceeded from the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office—then led by Prosecutor-General Kotaro Ono and Deputy Prosecutor-General Takayuki Aonuma—and, via the Special Investigation Department of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office under the direction of Takahiro Saito. These events took place on April 1, 2016, and April 14 of the same month, respectively.
This extralegal violence was carried out with a clear intent to erase our existence—particularly that of my teacher—from this world, in order to completely conceal the large-scale organized criminal acts perpetrated by legal professionals. These criminal acts originated with the crime of coercion at Chuo University and expanded to involve even the Supreme Court of Japan and the public prosecutors office at the time.
As of April 2016, my teacher was already being subjected to an unlawful situation in which wages from Chuo University—following a disguised dismissal dated July 26, 2012—remained unpaid. In addition, through what must be characterized as organized acts tantamount to killing carried out under the guise of litigation—namely, the lawsuit against Chuo University and the lawsuit against an academic journalism association—three years of time, mental capacity, and physical capacity were entirely consumed. This was compounded by the depletion of financial resources due to litigation costs and the forced expenditure of several million yen for the forensic examination of fabricated audio recordings. As a result, my teacher’s economic means of survival had been brought to the brink of exhaustion.
However, despite the fact that it was entirely evident that we had been made victims of extraordinarily grave criminal conduct, the university that led the perpetration of these crimes—Chuo University—was protected by forces purporting to represent “human rights,” which exercised a form of coercive power prohibiting the application of law to the university’s acts. Under this “prohibition of legal application,” neither my teacher nor I were ever treated as victims.
Subjected to such coercion, the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office, led by Prosecutor-General Kotaro Ono and Deputy Prosecutor-General Takayuki Aonuma, as well as the Special Investigation Department led by Takahiro Saito, exercised extralegal violence against us to ensure that we would never again be able to report criminal victimization. In doing so, they preemptively severed any possibility that we might be recognized as victims, and expelled my teacher and me into what may be described as an absolute non-remedial zone—an abandoned domain in which all legal rights are stripped away and even the protections of the Basic Act on Crime Victims are rendered inapplicable.
This scheme of an “asymptotic siege,” designed to deprive the victim of time, physical capacity, and financial resources, had in fact already been covertly set in motion at the point when the Tachikawa Branch of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office initiated its concealment of crime by failing to conduct any investigation whatsoever into the suspects of the coercion offense, while instead prolonging the investigation indefinitely.
The “Statement of Opinion, Protest, and Request” sent on August 10, 2016 to former Prosecutor-General Nishikawa was written from what can only be described as an absolute non-remedial zone—an abandoned domain outside the law, which effectively negates the very existence of the rule of law itself. It is my understanding that former Prosecutor-General Nishikawa, former Prosecutor-General Tomomi Inada, former Prosecutor-General Makoto Hayashi, and Prosecutor-General Yukio Kai have, to this day, carefully read the letters sent by my teacher from this “outside of the law.”
Should this large-scale organized crime—originating with Chuo University—be brought to completion, the legal order of Japan will collapse from its very foundations, and a lawless condition will emerge across the entire country. This would signify nothing less than the advent of a dark age of knowledge, in which that which Chuo University, in collusion with forces purporting to represent “human rights,” designates as “human rights” transcends all law, and before the violence of this so-called “god” of “human rights,” all scholarship and order are compelled into silence.
With the arrival of such a dark age, each individual will come to occupy the position of this so-called god of “human rights,” wielding it as justification, and thereby a violent era will emerge in which each person acts toward others as a god—indeed, as a monster.
I believe that only the full and comprehensive resolution of this large-scale organized crime can serve as what may well be the final opportunity to prevent the emergence of this most dangerous state of emergency.
However, although I have continued to struggle alongside my teacher for nearly eleven years, my teacher’s living conditions have now deteriorated to a point that amounts, in substance, to total collapse. As for myself, my economic hardship continues only to worsen, and I have been forced to consider the possibility of relinquishing my current residence and leaving Tokyo.
My physical and mental condition has likewise deteriorated year by year, with symptoms including shingles, chronic bronchial illness, persistent headaches, vomiting, severe depression, daily nightmares, and a generalized weakening of the autonomic nervous system. In addition, I am increasingly afflicted by an almost delusional, compulsive fear that I may be attacked merely upon seeing other people.
Through my daily conversations with my teacher, I have come to understand that the conditions my teacher continues to endure are far beyond anything I myself could compare to. I believe that, from the fourteen documents (details omitted) that have been submitted to the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office to date, Prosecutor-General Yukio Kai is already aware of the extreme and critical circumstances in which my teacher has been placed.
Following the Cabinet decision of December 13 to appoint Naomi Unemoto—a graduate of Chuo University—as Prosecutor-General of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office, my teacher resolved to prepare and submit a further written statement (No. 15) addressed to Prosecutor-General Yukio Kai.
At this stage, it is no longer possible to remain passive and allow circumstances to unfold—fully aware that such inaction may result in the death of my teacher, and, consequently, the death of my teacher’s mother. It is for this reason that I, too, have resolved to submit this petition addressed to Prosecutor-General Yukio Kai.
[Requests for Relief]
- I respectfully petition that an official public statement be issued, at the earliest possible time, committing to the exercise of criminal penalties against all criminal acts committed by Chuo University in collusion with forces purporting to represent “human rights,” which maintain a mutually embedded relationship with anti-social elements, as well as against all individuals who participated in the perpetration of such crimes—including those within the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, the courts, and the public prosecutors office at the time who were complicit in the complete concealment of these crimes.
- I further petition that, after due consideration of the victims’ sentiments—given that approximately eleven years of life have been taken from us by Chuo University and its associated persons (including Naomi Unemoto, who served as head of the Tachikawa Branch of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office)—you take all possible measures, even at this stage, to prevent the appointment of Naomi Unemoto (currently Prosecutor-General of the Hiroshima High Public Prosecutors Office, and formerly head of the Tachikawa Branch from January 2014 to January 2015), whose appointment as Prosecutor-General of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office was decided by Cabinet on December 23, 2022.
If it is impossible to prevent her assumption of office as Prosecutor-General of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office, I respectfully petition that, at the very least, her future appointment as Prosecutor-General be prevented without fail, as such an appointment would inflict the utmost harm upon the victims’ sentiments and would amount to nothing less than driving them into despair and toward self-destruction. - Finally, I respectfully petition that, through the full resolution of this large-scale organized crime, you take measures to completely eradicate the unlawful practices carried out by forces purporting to represent “human rights” that still persist across Japan, commonly referred to as “pseudo-Dowa practices.”
[Background Leading to This Petition]
(1)
On November 5, Reiwa 4 (2022), when I accompanied my teacher in sending the document entitled “XXXX (14)” addressed to Prosecutor-General Yukio Kai, I felt a sense of relief that the letter had been successfully dispatched. At the same time, however, I was unable to dispel the memories of the repeated experiences of “extralegal violence exceeding all expectations” that we had endured up to that point.
Moreover, I was gripped by an acute and pressing fear that, if even this letter were unable to move the Public Prosecutors Office toward issuing an official statement, then no further recourse would remain. The date of March 7, 2023, referenced in the passage “XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX” contained within that letter, came to haunt me as though it were the date of a “sentence of death” to be carried out—the point at which the so-called asymptotic siege, prearranged and executed by organized perpetrators as a form of premeditated killing, would be brought to completion.
It was a chilling premonition—one that seemed to freeze the mind in terror—that we might be eliminated without ever even being recognized as victims.
The method of criminal conduct employed by the Wachi family consisted in directly appropriating, for the purposes of fabricating harassment allegations, the denunciation practices used by the Buraku Liberation League, which is regarded as possessing the most formidable power among forces purporting to represent “human rights.”
This method involves designating an individual as a “discriminator” irrespective of the truth of the matter (and in some cases even engaging in acts of violence such as creating discriminatory graffiti themselves in order to incite a discrimination issue and manufacture a “discriminator”), determining in advance the narrative of denunciation among members, summoning the targeted individual, surrounding them with a large number of participants, and subjecting them to relentless denunciation.
The central organ newspaper of the Buraku Liberation League, Kaihō Shimbun, contains detailed descriptions of such denunciation practices. Having been born in the eastern part of Hiroshima Prefecture, I have personally seen and heard accounts in which victims of such denunciations were deprived of all “legal rights” and subjected to denunciation by the organization even before investigative authorities could act—resulting in the confiscation of their property, being driven to suicide or family suicide, or being silenced through violence.
Although the judgment of the Tokyo District Court in Heisei 2 (Wa) No. 2211 recognized the Buraku Liberation League as “an unincorporated association whose purpose is the complete liberation of Buraku people from Buraku discrimination,” the very nature of such an unincorporated association—over which legal oversight is difficult to exercise—combined with the misuse of denunciation practices as a form of coercion prohibiting the application of law, gives rise to an extremely dangerous situation. In such circumstances, individuals may be effectively eliminated before ever being recognized as legal victims, as they are deprived of the opportunity to be treated as victims under the law in the first place.
Despite having fabricated false claims of harassment, the Wachi family did not rely on the police as a lawful authority. Instead, they conspired with Chuo University—which was in collusion with forces purporting to represent “human rights”—and submitted their false allegations to a harassment committee operating on the basis of the so-called “Asada theory.”
As was later demonstrated by the fact that Chuo University submitted fabricated CD-R evidence and falsified transcripts to the court, and that the courts and the public prosecutors office at the time persistently sought to conceal these falsified materials by any means necessary, there existed no evidentiary basis whatsoever by which the alleged harassment could have been substantiated within ordinary criminal procedures. Had they attempted to file a report with the police, they themselves would have been subject to criminal punishment for filing a false accusation.
By importing the denunciation practices used by the Buraku Liberation League into the framework of a harassment committee, the possibility that my teacher and I, as a research assistant, might be recognized as victims was effectively extinguished. Everything that occurred following my teacher’s disguised dismissal by Chuo University amounted to nothing other than an “asymptotic siege”—a process of attrition intended to ensure that we would never be recognized as victims and would instead be left to exhaust ourselves and die.
From the Tachikawa Branch of the Tokyo District Court, presided over by Takemasa Ota, which issued a judgment tantamount to a sentence of death; to the Tokyo High Court, which upheld that judgment; to the Tachikawa Branch of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office, where Naomi Unemoto served as branch head and no investigation whatsoever was conducted; and further to that same branch, which obstructed the filing of complaints and accusations upon the emergence of forensic results; and ultimately to the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office and the Special Investigation Department at the time, which went so far as to deprive us of our rights to file complaints and accusations—every legal institution repeatedly inflicted the utmost form of lethal violence upon us by refusing to recognize us as victims and instead abandoning us.
This exercise of lethal violence—aimed at thoroughly preventing the very existence of the victim as a legally recognized victim—remains, even at the time of writing this petition, in effect and has, in substance, not been lifted in any meaningful way.
For this very reason, it is imperative that an official public statement be issued without delay. It cannot be asserted that support for crime victims has been sufficiently realized merely because legislation such as the Basic Act on Crime Victims has been enacted, or because measures such as the provision of benefits to victims and their participation in court proceedings have been introduced.
This is because no law yet exists that can reach victims of pure, lethal violence who are eliminated before they are ever recognized as victims under the law.
Accordingly, I respectfully and earnestly request, once again, that through the issuance of an official public statement, you take immediate steps to bring about a situation in which we are, first and foremost, recognized as victims under the law.
We no longer have time—particularly my teacher and XXXXX.
(2)
While continuing, with great difficulty, to post testimonial statements on social media under the burden of the anxiety and fear described above, I was profoundly shocked to learn that Naomi Unemoto, a graduate of Chuo University, had been appointed as Prosecutor-General of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office by Cabinet decision.
This shock did not arise from any anticipation that, on account of her personal character or professional competence, we would be eliminated within an invisible camp-like space in which we are not even permitted to be recognized as victims. Rather, it stems from the fact that Chuo University—which maintains collusive relations with forces purporting to represent “human rights,” themselves in a mutually embedded relationship with anti-social forces, including organized crime groups—has demonstrated a willingness to engage in any unlawful act or exercise of violence in order to secure its own safety, even to the extent of inducing the Supreme Court of Japan and the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office to tolerate a situation in which we are not even recognized as victims.
Given that Chuo University has continuously abandoned us outside the scope of all legal rights, it would not be surprising if it were to exert influence—through its alumni legal associations or prosecutorial networks—upon Naomi Unemoto in her capacity as Prosecutor-General of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office.
In fact, both Takahiro Saito, currently serving as Chief Prosecutor of the Yokohama District Public Prosecutors Office, and Hideaki Yamagami, Deputy Prosecutor-General, have maintained connections with Chuo University as individuals who have previously served as heads of the Tokyo prosecutors’ branch, and have remained affiliated with the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office since the tenure of former Prosecutor-General Nishikawa.
Even more alarming than Chuo University are the forces purporting to represent “human rights,” which have maintained long-standing collusive relationships with the university. There is a historical record indicating that Chuo University has actively supported the expansion of the influence of the Buraku Liberation League.
For example, the head of the defense team in the retrial proceedings of the Sayama Incident—a central cause in the human rights activism of the Buraku Liberation League—is a lawyer who graduated from Chuo University. Furthermore, in the enactment of the Act on the Promotion of the Elimination of Buraku Discrimination, politicians and lawyers affiliated with Chuo University, including Toshihiro Nikai, played a significant role. Even after the enactment of this law, on December 7, 2018, Shuji Kuno, then president of the alumni association, invited Fujihiko Nishijima (then Secretary-General of the Buraku Liberation League) to the Surugadai Memorial Hall, where a lecture entitled “On the Implementation of the Act on the Promotion of the Elimination of Buraku Discrimination” was आयोजित.
The concerns I hold regarding the appointment of Naomi Unemoto as Prosecutor-General of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office arise from the possibility—one I cannot dispel—that not only Chuo University but also the “human rights” forces with which it is collusive, or in the worst case both acting together, may exert influence.
It is publicly known that Naomi Unemoto served in the Civil Liberties Bureau of the Ministry of Justice from 1996 to 1999 and again from 2009 to 2012. In the course of such duties, it is natural to assume that she had opportunities to engage with various “human rights” groups, including the Buraku Liberation League, and that she may have developed acquaintanceships with members of the generation that now occupies senior leadership positions within those groups.
In Hiroshima Prefecture, where I spent my childhood, the Buraku Liberation League began to gain influence from the 1970s onward, and there followed a series of resignations and suicides among educators who had been subjected to denunciation.
After the establishment in 1985 of the so-called “Eight-Party Consultative Framework,” through which administrative authorities, boards of education, and the Buraku Liberation League cooperated to promote Dowa education, the League’s influence expanded to such an extraordinary degree that direct intervention into educational settings became commonplace, and no effective countervailing force remained.
Even after the expiration in 2002 of the Special Measures Law for Dowa Projects, these “human rights” forces continued to maintain their influence. During the period of Democratic Party administration, legislative proposals such as the “Human Rights Protection Bill,” the “Bill on the Relief and Prevention of Harm from Human Rights Violations,” and the “Human Rights Commission Establishment Bill” were repeatedly introduced in altered forms, with the effect—whether intended or not—of preserving denunciation practices closely associated with so-called “pseudo-Dowa practices.”
It is widely understood, albeit seldom openly acknowledged, that leading figures across both ruling and opposition parties (with the exception of the Japanese Communist Party) have, through electoral activities, formed close and collusive relationships with the Buraku Liberation League, the Zenkoku Jiyu Dowa Kai, and other related “human rights” groups.
Given her long tenure in the Civil Liberties Bureau of the Ministry of Justice, it is reasonable to conclude that Naomi Unemoto possesses a thorough understanding of the activities of various “human rights” groups. Denunciation practices—purportedly aimed at the elimination of discrimination, yet often raising fundamental doubts among the public as to whether they genuinely contribute to such elimination—have not been eradicated to this day.
For example, in 1999, during the period in which Naomi Unemoto was affiliated with the Civil Liberties Bureau, the principal of Sera High School in Hiroshima Prefecture was driven to suicide following denunciation by the Hiroshima Prefectural Federation of the Buraku Liberation League, led by Tatsukuni Komori, in conjunction with the prefectural high school teachers’ union, in connection with opposition to the singing of the national anthem and the display of the national flag.
At the time, media coverage emphasized the controversy surrounding the national anthem and flag, while, as I recall, systematically obscuring the involvement of the Buraku Liberation League. Similarly, in cases such as the Atami landslide disaster and the murder of the president of Gyoza no Ohsho, the media have, out of deference to “human rights” forces in mutually embedded relationships with anti-social elements, refrained from reporting the involvement of the Zenkoku Jiyu Dowa Kai and the Buraku Liberation League.
This is attributable to a historical pattern in which such groups have labeled unfavorable reporting as “discriminatory reporting” and subjected it to denunciation, thereby exerting a chilling effect on the press and effectively imposing coercive constraints on reporting.
A similar situation appears to prevail within investigative authorities. Despite the fact that a school principal was driven to suicide, I have never encountered any report indicating that criminal penalties were imposed upon members of the Buraku Liberation League or the teachers’ union involved. It is therefore only natural to assume that Naomi Unemoto, who was affiliated with the Civil Liberties Bureau of the Ministry of Justice in 1999, would be fully aware of the true course of events in this matter.
It cannot be entirely ruled out that Naomi Unemoto, by sincerely believing in the ideals of “respect for human rights” and “the elimination of discrimination,” may be unaware of the existence of denunciation practices closely associated with so-called “pseudo-Dowa practices.” However, when considering the worst-case scenario, it is necessary to take into account even the possibility that such practices—having destroyed the lives of numerous individuals and extracted substantial benefits from administrative institutions and private entities—may have been tolerated as a “necessary evil” within activities purportedly aimed at the elimination of discrimination, or that there may exist relationships with “human rights” groups in which such practices are deliberately overlooked.
When I learned that it had been decided by Cabinet that Naomi Unemoto, then Prosecutor-General of the Hiroshima High Public Prosecutors Office, would assume the position of Prosecutor-General of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office, I experienced a profound fear that every possible avenue toward relief had been closed.
On February 26, 2014, Takemasa Ota, a judge affiliated with Chuo University and dispatched from the Tokyo High Court, rendered what can only be described as a “judgment tantamount to killing,” one permeated by hostility toward my teacher and myself and containing extensive passages devoted to denunciation against me.
I could never have anticipated that, approximately eight years after the date of that first-instance judgment, the psychological trauma I experienced—so severe on the day of the judgment that I turned pale and nearly vomited—would be so intensely reopened and inflicted upon me once again.
(3)
It is precisely because Chuo University has been protected by forces purporting to represent “human rights,” which exercise coercive power that effectively prohibits the application of law, that the university has been able to carry out an “asymptotic siege”—refusing even to have us recognized as victims and instead leaving us to perish within a space devoid of legal remedies and outside the scope of legal protection.
Naomi Unemoto occupies a position in which she is capable of maintaining relationships both with such “human rights” forces and with Chuo University. In this sense, we are compelled to conclude that she constitutes, for us, the most “dangerous” presence—even more so than Takahiro Saito, Chief Prosecutor of the Yokohama District Public Prosecutors Office, and Hideaki Yamagami, Deputy Prosecutor-General.
The jurisdiction of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office includes the Yokohama District Public Prosecutors Office, where Takahiro Saito serves as Chief Prosecutor. It is further understood that Koeko Fujii has been assigned to the Yokohama District Public Prosecutors Office. Her name appeared in an anonymous “threat letter,” which constituted the direct cause prompting my teacher to send the document “XXXX (14)” on November 5 of last year.
Koeko Fujii is the daughter of the late Ryu Matsumoto, a Democratic Party politician and graduate of Chuo University who served as Vice Chairman of the Buraku Liberation League—the largest among the “human rights” groups collusive with Chuo University. It is therefore reasonable to infer that she is aware of the historical practices by which the Buraku Liberation League has conducted denunciation activities closely associated with so-called “pseudo-Dowa practices.”
It is also reasonable to infer that Koeko Fujii is aware of the activities of the Kudo-kai, led by Satoru Nomura—the brother-in-law of Ryu Matsumoto—which has historically exercised, in a manner analogous to certain “human rights” forces, both direct forms of coercion that effectively prevent the application of law by investigative authorities, and more sophisticated forms of such coercion through the mobilization of commentators and journalists to shape public opinion under the banner of “human rights protection.”
Regardless of her personal character or professional competence, it cannot be denied that she stands in a position of relational proximity to organized crime groups that have produced numerous victims, as well as to “human rights” forces that maintain mutually embedded relationships with such groups.
In light of the decision to appoint Naomi Unemoto as Prosecutor-General of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office, one cannot but consider even the worst-case scenario: namely, that improper influence may be exerted upon her—through the intermediary of the Yokohama District Public Prosecutors Office, where Takahiro Saito and Koeko Fujii are affiliated—by “human rights” forces in mutually embedded relationships with anti-social elements, as well as by Chuo University, which maintains collusive ties with such forces.
There exists a record from the period during which Naomi Unemoto served as head of the Tachikawa Branch, in which the complete concealment of a coercion offense was effectively permitted. It cannot be definitively determined whether the concealment was led under the direction of Takayuki Aonuma, who at the time served as Chief Prosecutor of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office, or whether it was carried out without her direct knowledge by Hisanori Morikawa and Yuji Nihei, acting on instructions from Takayuki Aonuma.
However, it is an undeniable fact that all suspects—who would, under ordinary investigative procedures, have inevitably been brought to prosecution—were allowed to evade indictment, and that this failure formed part of the cause of the continuing situation in which we remain without remedy to this day.
Even after an improper non-prosecution decision was issued by Yuji Nihei, Naomi Unemoto not only faced no disciplinary measures but continued in her position as Chief Prosecutor of the Kochi District Public Prosecutors Office, was promptly appointed as a prosecutor of the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office, and thereafter advanced through positions including Prosecutor-General of the Hiroshima High Public Prosecutors Office to her current appointment as Prosecutor-General of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office. Such a sequence of events must be regarded as something that would not ordinarily occur.
Should Naomi Unemoto become, in effect, the final protector of the collusive relationship between Chuo University and forces purporting to represent “human rights,” and should a situation arise in which all criminal procedures conducted since the tenure of former Prosecutor-General Nishikawa are consigned to obscurity, the very raison d’être of the Public Prosecutors Office would be extinguished.
What would remain is not a state governed by the rule of law, but rather a lawless order in which the substance of law has been hollowed out to its limits, leaving only its outward form intact, and in which Chuo University—styled as an institution of legal education—and the “human rights” forces with which it is collusive elevate what they designate as “human rights” to the status of an absolute authority, freely exercising power over the life and death of others.
In such a condition, the “coercion prohibiting the application of law” and the “coercion suppressing reporting”—namely, denunciation practices closely associated with so-called “pseudo-Dowa practices”—would effectively constitute the substance of law itself, resulting in the complete subjugation and destruction of the legal order.
An article published in the The Asahi Shimbun on December 25, 2022 reported that eight years had passed between the suicide of a second-year high school student and the issuance of a report by a third-party committee. A bereaved family member expressed their indignation, stating: “Were we simply left as though we did not exist, abandoned until we exhausted ourselves?” There are few words that so precisely correspond to the attitude held toward us by the “human rights” forces, Chuo University, the lawyers affiliated with it, the prosecutors and judges who were complicit, and all those who cooperated in these acts.
We regard this large-scale organized crime as nothing less than a massive form of “pseudo-Dowa practice,” in which an organized group of perpetrators—comprising Chuo University and all co-conspirators—has continuously directed the utmost degree of violence against individuals. We have devoted nearly all aspects of our lives to resisting this organized crime; however, the moment at which “we will be exhausted” is now fast approaching.
The decision to appoint Naomi Unemoto as Prosecutor-General of the Tokyo High Public Prosecutors Office vividly evokes the worst possible outcome—namely, the complete concealment of this large-scale organized crime, in which even the Supreme Court of Japan and the public prosecutors office at the time were complicit.
Within such an outcome, a lawless state—sustained only by the outward appearance of a “rule-of-law state”—would be perpetuated, and the prospect that my teacher and XXXXX would lose their lives is brought before us with overwhelming force. It is this deeply despairing anticipation of such a future that has led to the preparation of this petition.
In a world in which such complete lawlessness prevails, there is, in truth, no meaningful distinction between living and dying.
[Conclusion]
The collusive relationships between forces purporting to represent “human rights” and the political, economic, legal, educational, and media sectors far exceed—in both scope and depth—the widely criticized ties between the Liberal Democratic Party and the Unification Church.
It can be fully anticipated that the process of bringing this large-scale organized crime to a comprehensive resolution may generate significant disruption within Japanese society. However, if the justification for such action lies in resolving an unprecedented crime—one in which even the Supreme Court of Japan and the public prosecutors office at the time were overpowered through practices tantamount to “pseudo-Dowa conduct”—then I am convinced that the “human rights” forces will be unable to deploy coercive measures that prohibit the application of law or suppress reporting.
So long as denunciation practices—closely associated with so-called “pseudo-Dowa conduct”—persist under the pretext of “human rights,” as invoked by Chuo University and the “human rights” forces with which it is collusive, the genuine elimination of discrimination will never be realized.
If these “human rights” forces truly sought the elimination of discrimination, they would not have caused the explicit inscription of a “Buraku” category—effectively a social classification—into the Act on the Promotion of the Elimination of Buraku Discrimination, enacted as a permanent law on December 16, 2016. To demand that the state permanently define them as “those who are discriminated against” stands in direct contradiction to the very notion of a liberation movement.
Finally, Takahiro Wachi, who triggered this large-scale organized crime, experienced a profound destabilization of his mental state and rapidly underwent a reactionary shift at the very moment he encountered, within the introductory seminar on contemporary thought taught by my teacher, a mode of thinking aimed at achieving genuine freedom from hierarchically structured social ordering (that is, discriminatory consciousness) embedded within the unconscious.
While persistently calling for the “elimination of discrimination,” the forces purporting to represent “human rights” never relinquish the identity of being “the discriminated.” This is because they have, through experience, come to fully understand that such an identity serves as their most powerful means of justifying coercion that prevents the application of law, as well as coercion that suppresses reporting. In truth, they do not seek genuine liberation.
Although Takahiro Wachi was unable to comprehend this, contemporary thought maintains a profound caution toward approaches grounded in partial critique—namely, the idea of identifying individuals who engage in discrimination and forcibly halting such acts through denunciation.
Instead, contemporary thought undertakes a rigorous examination of the process by which a biological being, born devoid of possessions, becomes human and enters the symbolic order—that is, the legal order—and, in so doing, internalizes hierarchical structures and discriminatory systems of value that are not innate but are introduced “from the outside.” By arriving at a thorough awakening to the fact that such hierarchies and value systems are not inherent, it pursues a form of philosophical inquiry aimed at achieving genuine freedom from all “externally imposed narratives.”
This is not a partial critique that merely asserts that discrimination is wrong; rather, it is a total critique that denies any foundation for discrimination, asserting that it has no basis whatsoever and, in this sense, does not truly exist.
In closing, I earnestly and respectfully request that, by bringing this large-scale organized crime to a comprehensive resolution, you help establish a state governed by the rule of law in which, in place of denunciation practices associated with so-called “pseudo-Dowa conduct,” a genuine total critique aimed at the true elimination of discrimination can be freely pursued.
Respectfully submitted.